Multiparty Politics in America (First Edition)

In the wake of Ross Perot, Ralph Nader, and other third party and independent candidates that ran in the 1996 election, this collection of original essays by leading political scientists and third party officials is must reading for individuals interested in American politics. Multiparty Politics in America examines the roles that third parties have played in U.S. elections past and present and their prospects for the future. It presents unique and detailed coverage of the Reform, Green, and Libertarian parties\u27 goals and campaign strategies; discusses the kinds of reforms that would help them become more viable; and advances the debate over whether the U.S. should have a two-party or multiparty system.https://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/multiparty_politics1/1000/thumbnail.jp

AN EVALUATION OF MARYLAND'S NEW VOTING MACHINE

Four counties in Maryland used new touch screen voting machines in the 2002 elections, replacing their mechanical lever and punch card voting systems with the AccuVote-TS touch screen voting machine manufactured by Diebold Election Systems. The Center for American Politics and Citizenship (CAPC) and the Human-Computer Interaction Lab (HCIL) at the University of Maryland conducted an exit poll in Montgomery and Prince George's counties to evaluate the performance of the new voting machines. In this second of two reports prepared by CAPC and HCIL on the new voting machines, we found that most voters like the new voting machines and trust them to accurately record their votes. However, a significant number of voters still have concerns about the new machines, many needed help using them, and some continue to report technical problems with the machines. Voters who do not frequently use computers or have not attended college had the most difficulty using the machines. Major Findings: * Seven percent of voters felt that the touch screen voting machine was not easy to use, compared to 93 percent who felt it was easy to use or held a neutral opinion. * Nine percent of voters did not trust the touch screen voting machine, compared to with 91 percent who did. Only 70 percent trusted the mechanical lever or punch card system they previously used. * Three percent of voters reported encountering technical problems with the new machines. * Nine percent of the voters asked for and 17 percent received assistance using the new machine. * More than one-quarter of the voters who use computers once a month or less received assistance using the voting machine. * One-third of voters who have not attended college received assistance using the voting machine. * Voters in Prince George's County found the election judges to be more helpful than did voters in Montgomery County. Four counties in Maryland used new touch screen voting machines in the 2002 elections. Alleghany, Dorchester, Montgomery, and Prince George's replaced their mechanical lever and punch card voting systems with the AccuVote-TS touch screen voting machine manufactured by Diebold Election Systems. All 24 of Maryland's counties will purchase AccuVote-TS voting machines by 2006. The University of Maryland conducted an exit poll in Montgomery and Prince George's Counties to assess the performance of the new voting machine. Our sample included 1,276 respondents from 22 precincts in the two counties. The response rate was 74.6 percent. (UMIACS-TR-2002-107) (HCIL-TR-2002-25

Electronic Voting System Usability Issues

With the recent troubles in U.S. elections, there has been a nationwide push to update voting systems. Municipalities are investing heavily in electronic voting systems, many of which use a touch screen. These systems offer the promise of faster and more accurate voting, but the current reality is that they are fraught with usability and systemic problems. This paper surveys issues relating to usability of electronic voting systems and reports on a series of studies, including one with 415 voters using new systems that the State of Maryland purchased. Our analysis shows these systems work well, but have several problems, and a significant minority of voters have concerns about them. Keywords Electronic voting systems, Direct Recording Electronic (DRE), voting usability. (UMIACS-TR-2002-94) (HCIL-TR-2002-23

Scantegrity Responds to Rice Study on Usability of the Scantegrity II Voting System

This note is a response to, and critique of, recent work by Acemyan, Kortum, Bryne, and Wallach regarding the usability of end-to-end verifiable voting systems, and in particular, to their analysis of the usability of the Scantegrity II voting system. Their work is given in a JETS paper [Ace14] and was presented at EVT/WOTE 2014; it was also described in an associated press release [Rut14]. We find that their study lacked an appropriate control voting system with which to compare effectiveness, and thus their conclusions regarding Scantegrity II are unsupported by the evidence they present. Furthermore, their conclusions are contradicted by the successful deployment experiences of Scantegrity II at Takoma Park

Scantegrity II Municipal Election at Takoma Park: The First E2E Binding Governmental Election with Ballot Privacy

On November 3, 2009, voters in Takoma Park, Maryland, cast ballots for the mayor and city council members using the Scantegrity II voting system—the first time any end-to-end (E2E) voting system with ballot privacy has been used in a binding governmental election. This case study describes the various efforts that went into the election—including the improved design and implementation of the voting system, streamlined procedures, agreements with the city, and assessments of the experiences of voters and poll workers. The election, with 1728 voters from six wards, involved paper ballots with invisible-ink confirmation codes, instant-runoff voting with write-ins, early and absentee (mail-in) voting, dual-language ballots, provisional ballots, privacy sleeves, any-which-way scanning with parallel conventional desktop scanners, end-to-end verifiability based on optional web-based voter verification of votes cast, a full hand recount, thresholded authorities, three independent outside auditors, fully-disclosed software, and exit surveys for voters and pollworkers. Despite some glitches, the use of Scantegrity II was a success, demonstrating that E2E cryptographic voting systems can be effectively used and accepted by the general public.United States. Dept. of Defense (IASP grant H98230-08-1-0334)United States. Dept. of Defense (IASP grant H98230-09-1-0404)National Science Foundation (U.S.) (Grant no. CNS 0831149

Congressional elections : campaigning at home and in Washington

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The Clinton Presidency: the first term 1992-1996

The first Democratic president for twelve years, Williams Jefferson Clinton entered the White House on a note of optimism, pledged to give priority to economic policy and his domestic agenda of healthcare and welfare reforms. President Clinton - the 'Man from Hope' - faced what looked like a fresh opportunity to move ahead with legislation. The years of 'gridlock', whereby a president of one political party faced a Congress dominated by another, were over.In the event the presidency of these years faced major difficulties. Clinton had been elected on 43 percent of the vote, and Congressional Democrats, far from winning election on Clinton's coattails, were ahead of him in their constituencies. Working with Congress was a formidable task, especially with the heavy agenda of the economic recovery package, the North America Free Trade Agreement, health and welfare bills. Uncertainties abroad, from Somalia to Haiti, from Bosnia to Northern Ireland, added to the pressures on the White House.The first two years of the Clinton presidency were seen by observers as one of successes and missteps, of continued questions of character and political style, of wide fluctuations in the president's popularity and achievements. After November 1994, when the Republicans gained control of both chambers of Congress- the House of Representatives for the first time in forty years - the years of gridlock and confrontation seemed set to return with a vengeance.But two years later Clinton was reelected to a second term. The 'comeback kid' had shown once again his resilience, political abilities and refusal to accept setbacks. But it was a different Clinton: the centrist 'New Democrat' had moved to the right, accommodating to a Republic-driven domestic agenda. Contents Acknowledgement The Mountbatten Centre for International StudiesNotes on ContributorsThe Clinton Presidency: The Man and His Times; D.M.HillClinton and Congress; M.FoleyClinton and the Courts; T.YarbroughBill Clinton as a Party Politician and Party Leader: the First Term; P.S.HerrnsonClintonomics; C.J.BaileyDomestic Policy; D.M.HillForeign Policy; T.HamesDefence Policy; G.H.QuestorReflections on Clinton's First Term; P.S.HerrnsonInde

Vive la Différence?: Is There a Gender Gap in Campaign Strategy and Spending, and Does It Matter?

Record numbers of women were elected into office in the US in recent years, and campaign financing may have contributed to their successes. This raises two questions: Is there a gender gap in campaign strategy and spending? And if there is, does it have an impact on election outcomes? Using a new dataset that includes itemized campaign expenditures for the almost 3,500 candidates who contested a House election between 2012 and 2020, we report little evidence of a gender gap in candidates’ campaign spending, but we find some differences in the effects of communications spending on women’s and men’s electoral performances. Female challengers, in particular, must spend more to achieve the same results as men. The findings provide yet another indicator that congressional elections are an uneven playing field, and women must work harder than men to get elected. The results have implications for elections, representation, and public policy