How can we enhance our security without damaging our liberty? For a Progressive and European Rehabilitation of Sovereignty. European Policy Brief No. 41, January 2016

How can we reinforce internal security without destroying basic freedoms? This dilemma will become increasingly topical in the context of rising terrorist threats and in view of some of the responses already put in place at the national level. Many observers have pointed out the threat that these measures pose to individual freedom. But few have highlighted their relative inefficiency. Indeed, if the right to security is one of the founding reasons for political government and one of its main sources of legitimacy, can states still guarantee this basic right? This article examines this dilemma and focuses more specifically on its implications for the notion and practice of sovereignty. It also sketches a strong, but nuanced, rescue of sovereignty at the European level in order to assure individual security while, at the same time, protecting our freedoms

The EU approach to Gender: Limitations and Alternatives. European Policy Brief No. 40, December 2015

For several decades, the European Union has been at the forefront of significant progress in the struggle towards equality between women and men, among others in the fight against sex-based discriminations. The contemporary EU approach to gender has however become much more interested in representations and social norms. This paper analyses this stance and highlights its deficiencies – more specifically, it looks at the flaws entailed in an excessive focus on “gender stereotypes”. Finally, it briefly sketches out the principles of an alternative

Yanis Varoufakis’ new DiEM25 movement should be welcomed by progressive pro-Europeans

Former Greek finance minister Yanis Varoufakis has launched a new pan-European initiative, the ‘Democracy in Europe Movement 2025’ (DiEM25), which brings together parties and grassroots organisations across the continent with the aim of ‘democratising Europe’. Sophie Heine argues that the new initiative should be viewed as a positive development by progressive pro-Europeans who would like to see a more democratic EU. However she states that the broad church assembled by Varoufakis may struggle to present a realistic vision for a new Europe due to the lack of ideological consensus among its members

Prostitution as a Human Right: an Oxymoron. European Policy Briefs No. 36, August 2015

Prostitution is an extremely contentious topic, for political forces as well as civil society. The recent position adopted by Amnesty International in favour of a full decriminalization of this activity is an opportunity to launch a critical debate on this issue, at the global and European levels. Because of its close connections with human trafficking and migration, prostitution is indeed an inherently trans-national phenomenon requiring solutions beyond the strictly national level. This policy brief summarizes the main arguments of the debate and outlines a few alternative propositions

The Dangers and Inanity of (Euro-) Nationalism: From Communitarianism to Cosmopolitanism. Egmont Paper No. 77, April 2015

INTRODUCTION In the current times of multifaceted crisis, nationalism looks, more than ever, like a positive and necessary feeling. It seems both natural and indispensable if we are to have viable political and social institutions that meet the needs and preferences of all citizens. The following paper contests this vision. Its criticism of nationalism is directed not only at its national forms, but also at any defence of collective identity based on the same model, such as the various forms of European nationalism. Furthermore, the same overriding criticism can be made of different kinds of nationalism, regardless of their more or less open and progressive political content. In order to ground our argument theoretically and practically, we will try to show that nationalism is always potentially harmful to individual rights, and unnecessary for the maintenance of a just social and political system. We will thus oppose any acritical defence of the intrinsic value of a specific community and the belief in its artificial homogeneity. The historical construction of a supposedly homogeneous community, and the insistence on its values, which are perceived as superior and binding, facilitate the absorption of the individual into the collective. As we will explain further in more details, this holistic approach is typical of communitarian approaches. In that respect, it does not really matter whether they appeal to passion or to reason, to some irrational binding features of the community or to more rational political aspects of a common identity. The main problem in nationalism is not the emotion it can trigger, it is not even its reliance on particular values. What makes nationalism problematic is, firstly, that it tends to overlook the intrinsically divisive and contradictory nature of individual and collective interests in unjust societies; secondly, that it attributes an intrinsic superiority to a particular community over others; and thirdly, that it sees politics as a means to promote the interests, values or identity of that community. As an alternative, we will very briefly advocate a cosmopolitan approach that grounds political legitimacy in a demanding approach to individual freedom, rather than in a shared collective identity. However, even if only briefly, we will also carefully distinguish our own vision of cosmopolitanism from those commonly put forward. Frequently, cosmopolitan perspectives entangle their identity frameworks with concrete political projects, without clearly explaining how the latter derive from the former. Our approach to cosmopolitanism, on the other hand, is, first and foremost, a critical vision of all communitarian postulates according to which politics should be based on some form of collective identity. Thus, we insist on the conceptual distinction between a general stance on identity issues and the more practical political ideology one stands for. In a subsequent step, we link this cosmopolitan framework with a progressive approach to individual rights. Because of our demanding approach to individual freedom, our cosmopolitanism goes hand in hand with a revival of identity-free sovereignty. It is therefore distinct from the severe condemnation of sovereignty often found in most mainstream cosmopolitan positions. Finally, instead of the frequent confusion found in public discourses and in the literature between ideals and reality, our position acknowledges the deep gulf separating these two dimensions. It therefore sketches out very general strategic principles to bring normative ideals closer to political reality

The Rise of Single Motherhood in the EU: Analysis and Propositions. European Policy Brief No. 42, March 2016

This paper will address a rising issue within the EU – the increase of single parent families. Firstly, we will draw a general picture of the disadvantages faced by single parents and outline the possible causes of this phenomenon. Secondly, we will attempt to sketch possible alternative solutions that could inspire policymakers at the national and European levels. Both in our analysis and recommendations, we will put a particular emphasis on the dynamic role played by norms and representations

European views on the UK’s renegotiation: Romania, Denmark, Belgium and Luxembourg

The success or failure of David Cameron’s planned renegotiation of the UK’s EU membership will depend to a large extent on how the other 27 EU member states respond to his proposals. But how do countries across the EU view the UK’s renegotiation? Building on a report published in 2014 by the German Council on Foreign Relations, EUROPP is running a series of overviews of the renegotiation from each of the EU’s member states. Compiled by the LSE’s Tim Oliver and written by authors based at universities and research institutions, the overviews will set out what discussion – if any – there has been about the renegotiation and the wider views within each country on a potential Brexit. This post is the third in the series and gives views from Romania, Denmark, Belgium and Luxembourg. Romania: There is staunch opposition to restrictions on the free movement of people Denmark: The Danish government is a firm supporter of UK demands, albeit with some caveats Belgium: The Belgian view is that European challenges can only be tackled through deepening European integration Luxembourg: There is no enthusiasm in Luxembourg for treaty chang

Axonal abnormalities in vanishing white matter

ObjectiveWe aimed to study the occurrence and development of axonal pathology and the influence of astrocytes in vanishing white matter. MethodsAxons and myelin were analyzed using electron microscopy and immunohistochemistry on Eif2b4 and Eif2b5 single- and double-mutant mice and patient brain tissue. In addition, astrocyte-forebrain co-culture studies were performed. ResultsIn the corpus callosum of Eif2b5-mutant mice, myelin sheath thickness, axonal diameter, and G-ratio developed normally up to 4 months. At 7 months, however, axons had become thinner, while in control mice axonal diameters had increased further. Myelin sheath thickness remained close to normal, resulting in an abnormally low G-ratio in Eif2b5-mutant mice. In more severely affected Eif2b4-Eif2b5 double-mutants, similar abnormalities were already present at 4 months, while in milder affected Eif2b4 mutants, few abnormalities were observed at 7 months. Additionally, from 2 months onward an increased percentage of thin, unmyelinated axons and increased axonal density were present in Eif2b5-mutant mice. Co-cultures showed that Eif2b5 mutant astrocytes induced increased axonal density, also in control forebrain tissue, and that control astrocytes induced normal axonal density, also in mutant forebrain tissue. In vanishing white matter patient brains, axons and myelin sheaths were thinner than normal in moderately and severely affected white matter. In mutant mice and patients, signs of axonal transport defects and cytoskeletal abnormalities were minimal. InterpretationIn vanishing white matter, axons are initially normal and atrophy later. Astrocytes are central in this process. If therapy becomes available, axonal pathology may be prevented with early intervention

Correlation between mammographic density and volumetric fibroglandular tissue estimated on breast MR images

Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/134976/1/mp8512.pd

Enhanced Maternal Origin of the 22q11.2 Deletion in Velocardiofacial and DiGeorge Syndromes

Velocardiofacial and DiGeorge syndromes, also known as 22q11.2 deletion syndrome (22q11DS), are congenital-anomaly disorders caused by a de novo hemizygous 22q11.2 deletion mediated by meiotic nonallelic homologous recombination events between low-copy repeats, also known as segmental duplications. Although previous studies exist, each was of small size, and it remains to be determined whether there are parent-of-origin biases for the de novo 22q11.2 deletion. To address this question, we genotyped a total of 389 DNA samples from 22q11DS-affected families. A total of 219 (56%) individuals with 22q11DS had maternal origin and 170 (44%) had paternal origin of the de novo deletion, which represents a statistically significant bias for maternal origin (p = 0.0151). Combined with many smaller, previous studies, 465 (57%) individuals had maternal origin and 345 (43%) had paternal origin, amounting to a ratio of 1.35 or a 35% increase in maternal compared to paternal origin (p = 0.000028). Among 1,892 probands with the de novo 22q11.2 deletion, the average maternal age at time of conception was 29.5, and this is similar to data for the general population in individual countries. Of interest, the female recombination rate in the 22q11.2 region was about 1.6–1.7 times greater than that for males, suggesting that for this region in the genome, enhanced meiotic recombination rates, as well as other as-of-yet undefined 22q11.2-specific features, could be responsible for the observed excess in maternal origin