The ‘civilising’ effect of a ‘balanced’ night-time economy for ‘better people’: class and the cosmopolitan limit in the consumption and regulation of alcohol in Bournemouth

The British night-time economy today has been characterised by academics across various disciplines as the result of neoliberal attempts to regenerate the evening economy ‘on the cheap’, leading to the dominance of ‘mainstream nightlife’ at the expense of subcultural traditional working- class alternatives. One preferable alternative offered is the ideal of a ‘diverse’ and ‘inclusive’ ‘creative city’, with a greater focus on ‘culture’. This article shows how such ideas have been taken up in the planning and regulation of the night-time economy in Bournemouth. Despite the current emphasis on the value of making the Bournemouth night-time economy ‘more diverse’, offering more ‘balance’ than the current vista, policymakers, like drinkers, are aware of the considerable distinctions within the night-time economy. The emphasis on diversity as a policy objective can be understood rather as an attempt to encourage a particular drinking style. In this context, a ‘balanced’ night-time economy refers more to the overall atmosphere than the variety of consumer choice. The ideal drinking style is seen as characteristic of a wealthier group of customers, who will exert a ‘civilising’ influence on the town, as wealth is associated with broader cultural attributes of these ‘better people’. It is therefore argued that local alcohol policy can be seen as neoliberal in the sense of actively creating a particular form of market, rather than letting a free market develop and determine outcomes. The intersection of cultural, economic and social factors suggests that the local approach can be understood as both reflective and constitutive of class

'Binge' drinking, neo-liberalism and individualism

‘Binge’ drinking in the UK is perceived by government, media and academics alike as a topic of concern, despite the absence of any agreed definition. The current UK government’s approach to alcohol policy can be understood within the framework of neo-liberalism, its clear morals and ideals juxtaposed with increased opportunities for apparent transgression. ‘Binge’ drinking is constructed – by both media and government – as such transgression, in contrast with the ideals of ‘responsible’ or ‘moderate’ drinking. ‘Binge’ drinkers are seen as hedonistic, excessive and irrational; the antithesis of the rational, self-governing, moral individual that is the ideal neo-liberal subject. Conversely, most academic discussions of ‘binge’ drinking have focused on the contrast with what has been called ‘traditional’ drinking, based in community pubs and understood to have reinforced stable working-class, masculine identities based on workplace relations. ‘Binge’ drinking is presented as an individualistic practice, constructing identities through consumption under conditions determined by big business, with any sense of community being simply brand loyalty created by companies. ‘Binge’ drinking is thus understood not as the antithesis of neo-liberal ideals, but their apotheosis. My ethnographic research of drinking cultures in Bournemouth, UK, suggests that the relationship between individualism and drinking on the British night-time high street is more varied and nuanced than either of these models suggest. Some drinkers did present individualistic identities constructed through consumption, but they emphasised self-control, rationality and ‘good taste’, trying to distance themselves from conceptions of ‘binge’ drinking. On the other hand, many who might commonly be identified as ‘binge’ drinkers denounced the construction of such identities as ‘stuck up’ because of the stress on ‘image’ over ‘having a laugh’, and emphasised instead a sense of community that built on relationships from school and work, not simply shared patterns of consumption. The paper will therefore address the theme ‘New and Old Individualisms’, as it considers how ideas of individualism and distinction inform Bournemouth’s high street drinking cultures

The rise and fall of the ‘nudge’ of minimum unit pricing: The continuity of neoliberalism in alcohol policy in England

This article explores the continuities in alcohol policy over the past decade under both Labour and Coalition governments. It is argued that these continuities reflect a neoliberal mentality of government whereby market mechanisms are maintained even when the outcomes produced are deemed undesirable. Policies to address these outcomes have focused on the individual citizen, conceived of as a potentially rational decision-maker. If exhortations to behave in the desired fashion do not reap results then measures are targeted at specific individuals or groups of individuals considered flawed consumers. The continuity is examined in light of recent commentary that has identified a trend in policymaking reflecting a loss of confidence in individual rationality and market outcomes, described variously as post-liberalism or neocommunitarianism. It is suggested that the stability of the broader underlying structures of thought that circumscribe contemporary policy discussions should not be underestimated

Before we start to think about ‘what works’, even on alcohol policy we need to know what we’re trying to do

Should the alcohol industry, or other industries, have a role in policymaking? This question arises when industry misrepresents research showing the health benefits of interventions. Will Haydock points out that evidence of public health gains can’t show whether this is a desirable aim overall, since perhaps liberty and the pleasures of intoxication and taste trump living longer. Policy cannot be solely informed by evidence, because evidence without aims is meaningless. So whilst industry perhaps shouldn’t be engaged in interpreting research evidence, they should certainly be able to have a role in defining the problem

UK substance use policy research should think local

Purpose This paper considers how policy researchers should respond to recent developments in substance use and the governance of drug and alcohol policy in the UK. Design/methodology/approach The paper takes two elements from the 2010 UK Drug Strategy –supply and treatment –and considers a case study in each to briefly examine the potential role of local policymakers in shaping how substance use is experienced. Findings It is argued that the Coalition Government’s health reforms have given local commissioners greater autonomy over treatment policy than they had under the preceding Labour Government. Similarly, the regulation of new psychoactive substances in the UK has left local areas to determine their own approach to controlling supply through retail outlets. Research limitations/implications Drawing on the broader academic literature on policymaking, this paper calls for ethnographic research into local policymaking related to substance use, which will help to illuminate how perceived policy problems are shaped by particular local systems and understandings of evidence. Originality/value While this paper is not unique in identifying the importance of locally-based research, it identifies the particular relevance of this research agenda in the UK today. It seeks to inform and encourage research that can shape the development of local policymaking

Gender, class and 'binge' drinking: an ethnography of drinkers in Bournemouth's night-time economy.

In early 21 SI-century Britain there is a focus by media, government and academia on young people's consumption of alcohol - often using the term 'binge' drinking - and how this should be understood and regulated. This thesis argues that contemporary forms of alcohol regulation can be seen as part of a broader neo-liberal mentality of government, encompassing the creation of a classed and gendered figure of the self-disciplined, responsible, ideal citizen. This ethnographic study of the night-time economy in Bournemouth, a town on the south coast of England, considers how young people's drinking practices and discussions relate to these discourses to constitute gender and class. The location and analytical focus of the study complement previous research, which has tended to be based in formerly industrial cities and has either emphasised similarities amongst young people or focused on how drinking practices reflect people's gender and class backgrounds. Interviews were conducted with 20 professionals alongside 45 hours of participant observation resulting in interactions with 113 drinkers. Drawing on the work of Butler and Bourdieu, this study conceives of gender and class as norms that structure people's perceptions of the world and possibilities within it; drinking practices and understandings are both part of these structures and also actions that lead to individuals being consequently classified. Young people's various 'drinking styles' can be arranged on a continuum from the everyday to the carnivalesque. The everyday style draws on the figure of the responsible individual noted in government discourses and oppositional figures such as the 'chav', which distance the speaker from problematic 'binge' drinking in class terms. Other participants labelled such views 'stuck up', as part of a symbolic struggle. In terms of gender, themes of safekeeping interacted with these discourses, as certain practices were considered unfeminine and not 'classy', for example. The thesis argues that, as well as reflecting class and gender, these styles can be seen as discursive resources that authorise accounts of drinking, constituting symbolic capital and therefore class and gender. It is thus argued that the night-time economy is a key site for the formation of class and gender in contemporary British society

The Devil Dogs

Non-fiction by William W. Haydock