The C242T polymorphism of the NAD(P)H oxidase p22(phox) subunit is associated with an enhanced risk for cerebrovascular disease at a young age

Background and Purpose: Oxidative stress has been proposed as a major contributing factor for vascular disease, that acts independently from its participation in predisposing disorders such as diabetes and arterial hypertension. A functionally relevant C242T polymorphism of the CYBA gene encoding the NAD(P)H oxidase p22(phox) subunit, is supposed to lead to an abnormal reduction in the generation of reactive oxygen species in vascular smooth-muscle and endothelial cells. Methods: We investigated the p22(phox) C242T single-nucleotide polymorphism by polymerase chain reaction in consecutive patients with ischemic stroke or transient ischemic attack under the age of 50 (n = 161) and in population-based control subjects (n = 136). Results: Homozygosity for the T variant was associated with an enhanced risk for cerebral ischemia (odds ratio 3.85, confidence interval 1.39-10.64) after adjusting for classical risk factors. Risk for cerebral ischemia was not increased in heterozygous subjects. Conclusion: The p22(phox) C242T single-nucleotide polymorphism is associated with stroke risk. This finding supports the hypothesis that oxidative stress may contribute to stroke pathogenesis. Copyright (C) 2008 S. Karger AG, Basel

THE ROLE OF CROSS-CLASS ALLIANCES AND ELITES IN COORDINATED EMPLOYMENT RELATIONS IN DENMARK. CES Open Forum Series 2018-2019, September 4, 2018

Explanations for coordination between labor and capital in Northern Europe continue to cause debate among scholars of comparative political economy. On one hand, power resource scholars argue that strong trade unions promoting equality are necessary for coordination. On the other hand, employer-centered theories argue that employers are the primary actors in promoting coordination due to the comparative advantages stemming from coordination. To inform this debate, we study the case of Denmark by combining a unique database of 5.000 elite affiliations with 80 stakeholder interviews spanning a decade. We argue that trade union power resources are necessary for coordination. However, only when certain segments of labor can forge powerful alliances with key employers for the economy will coordination persist. The network analysis identifies a powerful cross-class alliance between trade unions and employer associations in manufacturing. Interviews with stakeholders show that coordination in industrial relations and related institutional spheres such as education and industrial policies serves this alliance’s interests in safeguarding international competitiveness of manufacturing. However, intra-class allegiances ensure that the alliance constantly has to consider the interests of outsider organizations

A Very Economic Elite - The Case of the Danish Top CEOs

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The meaning of merit: talent versus hard work legitimacy

Elites often use merit to explain, justify, and make sense of their advantaged positions. But what exactly do they mean by this? In this paper, we draw on 71 interviews with elites in Denmark and the UK to compare self-justifications of meritocratic legitimacy. Our results indicate that while elites in both countries are united by a common concern to frame their merits as spontaneously recognized by others (rather than strategically promoted by themselves), the package of attributes they foreground vary significantly. In the UK, elites tend to be “talent meritocrats” who foreground their unique capacity for ideational creativity or risk taking, innately good judgment, and “natural” aptitude, intelligence, or academic ability. In contrast, in Denmark, elites are more likely to be “hard work meritocrats” who emphasize their unusual work ethic, extensive experience (as a signal of accumulated hard work), and contributions outside of work, particularly in civil society. We tentatively argue that one explanation for this cross-national variation is the role that different channels of elite recruitment play in amplifying legitimate notions of merit. In the UK, for example, elite private schools act to nurture ideas of exceptionalism and natural talent, whereas in Denmark elite employers socialize the connection between hard work and success. These findings suggest that nationally specific understandings of merit can have quite different implications for the legitimation of inequality

From integrated to fragmented elites. The core of Swiss elite networks 1910–2015

This article focuses on historical elite dynamics and investigates elites' integration over time. We describe the changing relations and composition of the central circles in Swiss elite networks at seven benchmark years between 1910 and 2015 by relying on 22,262 elite individuals tied to 2587 organizations among eight key sectors, and identify for each year the most connected core of individuals. We explore network cohesion and sectoral bridging of the elite core and find that it moved from being a unitary corporate elite, before 1945, to an integrated corporatist elite, between the 1950s and 1980s, before fragmenting into a loose group, with an increased importance of corporate elites, in the 1990s onwards. The core was always dominated by business and their forms of legitimacy but, at times of crisis to the hegemony of corporate elites, after the Second World War and (only) shortly after the 2008 financial crisis, elite circles expanded and included individuals with delegated forms of power, such as politicians and unionists. In the most recent cohort (2015), the share of corporate elites in the core is similar to the one before the First World War and during the interwar period. This return to the past echoes findings on wealth inequality and economic capital accumulation by a small group of individuals organized around the most powerful companies

Temaredaktørernes forord:Hvad skal en magtudredning ved afslutningen på historiens afslutning svare på?

Siden Folketinget i slutningen af sidste år vedtog at gennemføre en ”opdatering af magtudredningen”, har vores verdensbillede allerede forandret sig. Dengang stod vi stadig overfor en kommende corona-nedlukning. Magtkritik handlede i høj grad om diskussionerne om begrænsningerne i den personlige frihed i det epidemiramte samfund. Siden da er Coronaen – i hvert fald for en tid – lykkelig glemt, mens krigen i Ukraine, energiforsyning, inflation og – lidt mere lokalt – efterretningstjenester og minksager sætter spørgsmålstegn ved relationen mellem politikere, embedsmænd og offentlighe