10 research outputs found

    Democracy, protest and public sphere in Russia after the 2011–2012 anti-government protests: digital media at stake

    Get PDF
    The 2011–2012 Russian protest mobilisations were largely enabled by the rise of social networks. Social and technological advancements paired to pave the way for the ‘biggest protests since the fall of USSR’. Ubiquitous and uncensored social media facilitated the networking and mobilisation for this protest activity: Liberal masses were able to share and discuss their grievances, unite and coordinate online for the offline protest. The digitally savvy protest public developed to confront the government, which appeared to be astonished by the scale of protest. Those mobilisations marked an important gap between the government’s conception of the society and the real state of resistance. This article studies three main hypotheses regarding the potential of the protest movement in Russia. The hypotheses were drawn from recent sociological, political and media studies on Russian resistance. Current research aims to contribute to the debate from the digital media perspective. It therefore evaluates three main assumptions: Digital media have the potential to empower, dependent upon the relevant political, social and economic factors; digital media isolates protest publics and therefore may be more useful for the government than the resistance; and recent censorship of digital media communication signals a tightening of both formal and informal restrictions against opposition and protest politics. This article uses theoretical and factual evidence on the limitations of democracy and the public sphere and conceptualises the government’s management of resistance in Russia during and after the 2011–2012 protests. It studies how the hybrid political regime in Russia balances restrictions on freedom of speech with strengthened state propaganda and how it mediates media oppression and invites self-censorship. Finally, it examines how the state communication watchdog has recently focused its attention at the digital realm. This move confirms the importance of the online protest communication for the Russian political environment. Yet the state’s acknowledgement of digital political resistance may lead to further oppression and curbing of this emerging component of Russian politics

    Digital Activism in Russia : The Evolution and Forms of Online Participation in an Authoritarian State

    No full text
    This chapter describes how digitalization has affected activism in Russia by tracing the evolution, particularity, and the most visible forms of online activism in the context of the increasingly authoritarian Russian state. It discusses online activism in relation to “connective action” and illustrates it with two examples of contentious political activism: the anti-corruption campaign led by Alexei Navalny and the struggle to protect online communication from state surveillance by the Telegram messenger service. In addition, the chapter presents examples of Russian activism, which do not directly challenge the Kremlin.peerReviewe

    Russian citizens' perceptions of corruption and trust of the police

    No full text
    Since 1991, Russian citizens\u27 perception of the police has been consistently overwhelmingly negative. Both direct and vicarious citizen experiences with the police were examined to identify potential factors that may explain the pervasive and persistent negative perceptions. An original survey of citizens (N=509) was analysed with structural equation modelling techniques to determine how various forms of corruption (including bribery, unfair treatment and abuse of power), and social class standing influenced perceptions. Experiences with corruption had significant negative correlations with police trust. Trust was found to be independent of social class position. Bribery and abuse of power had significant co-variations with unfair treatment. Citizens actively avoid any police contact; therefore, their perceptions appear to be predominately influenced by a lack of institutional trust. The findings are consistent with the extant research. © 2013 © 2013 Taylor & Francis
    corecore