70 research outputs found
The long-term effects of development aid - Empirical studies in rural West Africa.
This article is based on field studies in rural West Africa. It concentrates on the socio-structural effects of development aid in the long run, in contrast to numerous available evaluation reports on the short-run effects of development projects. The study reveals that superficial generalisations or condemnations of development projects, like the big farmers benefit at the expense of the smaller ones, or the men benefit at the expense of the women, do not hold up to verification. Quite to the contrary one observes a wide range of specific adapted forms by which the target groups react to the demands and offers of development projects, and thereby transform their own social structure. In short, one observes a great diversity of social self-organisation. The bureaucratic structures of the development administration do, however, unfortunately - more often than not - ignore the social dynamic of their target groups which they nevertheless sustain unconsciously. Development aid has become an important political and economic factor in most African countries. Its financial impact often exceeds that of the national budget. It contributes, therefore, significantly to the development of a bureaucratic class and of its clients: the project development degenerates into a project nationalization / bureaucratization. This contrasts vividly with the strategies of the peasants. Men and women at village level do not accept any longer the paternalistic development approach. They just select what they need out of the packages of solutions that are offered to them, while they develop their own solutions, like a variety of seeds adapted to their specific resource endowments, diversified sources of income, different strategies of accumulation and risk prevention. All this allows for a gradual evolution by variation and selection. The dynamic of the rural society is to a large extent due to a competition of different (strategic) groups, opposed to one another, about the partitioning of the cake of development aid. Normally this struggle between different vested interests is covered up by the rhetoric of development planning. Planned development has up to now proven to be to rigid, to be able to take account of the complex and subtle fabric of self organisation. Aid sometimes appears to be a second best substitute for a vision of a democratic society. This is due to the fact that the structures we are aiming for in the long run - which are to allow for open markets, an orientation of the producers at the resources and needs of the nation, and last not least, the growth of indigenous structures of self-help - would require a responsible and democratic government, as well as the guarantee of civil rights, accountability, an independent judiciary, freedom of the press, etc.; up to now, however, all these elements are still oppressed by the commando state itself, well nourished by the various forms of technical and financial aid.development cooperation; ODA; evaluation; Africa; social structure;
Die Dreierschichtung von Proletariat und kleinen Warenproduzenten in der Dritten Welt: Auszüge aus dem Referat
Boundaries, cohesion and switching. On we‑groups in ethnic, national and religious forms
Research on nationalism, ethnicity and fundamentalism has become ‑ it seems ‑ an easy task. There are authors we all cite, and there are the objects of our study, which delineate themselves quite clearly. This selfdelineation poses however, as this paper shall argue, problems for social science, because it induces us to overlook 1. processes of switching between different frames of reference, 2. processes of (physical) reproduction (namely the link to families), which does not go without sayi..
The long-term effects of development aid: empirical studies in rural West Africa
This article is based on field studies in rural West Africa. It concentrates on the socio-structural effects of development aid in the long run, in contrast to numerous available evaluation reports on the short-run effects of development projects. The study reveals that superficial generalisations or condemnations of development projects, like the big farmers benefit at the expense of the smaller ones, or the men benefit at the expense of the women, do not hold up to verification. Quite to the contrary one observes a wide range of specific adapted forms by which the target groups react to the demands and offers of development projects, and thereby transform their own social structure. In short, one observes a great diversity of social self-organisation. The bureaucratic structures of the development administration do, however, unfortunately - more often than not - ignore the social dynamic of their target groups which they nevertheless sustain unconsciously. Development aid has become an important political and economic factor in most African countries. Its financial impact often exceeds that of the national budget. It contributes, therefore, significantly to the development of a bureaucratic class and of its clients: the project development degenerates into a project nationalization / bureaucratization. This contrasts vividly with the strategies of the peasants. Men and women at village level do not accept any longer the paternalistic development approach. They just select what they need out of the packages of solutions that are offered to them, while they develop their own solutions, like a variety of seeds adapted to their specific resource endowments, diversified sources of income, different strategies of accumulation and risk prevention. All this allows for a gradual evolution by variation and selection. The dynamic of the rural society is to a large extent due to a competition of different (strategic) groups, opposed to one another, about the partitioning of the cake of development aid. Normally this struggle between different vested interests is covered up by the rhetoric of development planning. Planned development has up to now proven to be to rigid, to be able to take account of the complex and subtle fabric of self organisation. Aid sometimes appears to be a second best substitute for a vision of a democratic society. This is due to the fact that the structures we are aiming for in the long run - which are to allow for open markets, an orientation of the producers at the resources and needs of the nation, and last not least, the growth of indigenous structures of self-help - would require a responsible and democratic government, as well as the guarantee of civil rights, accountability, an independent judiciary, freedom of the press, etc.; up to now, however, all these elements are still oppressed by the commando state itself, well nourished by the various forms of technical and financial aid.Cet article est basé sur des études de terrain en Afrique de l'Ouest rural. Il se concentre sur les effets socio-structurelles de l'aide au développement dans le long terme, contrairement à de nombreux rapports d'évaluation disponibles sur les effets à court terme des projets de développement. L'étude révèle que des généralisations superficielles ou condamnations de projets de développement, comme les gros agriculteurs profitent au détriment des plus petits, ou les hommes bénéficient d'avantages au détriment des femmes, ne tiens pas. Bien au contraire, on observe une vaste gamme de formes adaptées spécifiques par lesquels les groupes cibles réagissent aux demandes et les offres de projets de développement, et ainsi transformer leur propre structure sociale. En bref, on observe une grande diversité de l'auto-organisation sociale. Les structures bureaucratiques de l'administration du développement, cependant, ignorent malheureusement - le plus souvent - la dynamique sociale de leurs groupes cibles dont ils soutiennent néanmoins inconsciemment. L'aide au développement est devenue un facteur politique et économique important dans la plupart des pays africains. Son impact financier dépasse souvent celle du budget national. Il contribue donc de manière significative au développement d'une classe bureaucratique et de ses clients: le développement du projet dégénère en un projet de nationalisation / bureaucratisation. Cela contraste vivement avec les stratégies des paysans. Hommes et femmes au niveau du village n’accepter plus la démarche de développement paternaliste. Ils sélectionnent tout ce dont ils ont besoin sur les paquets de solutions qui leur sont offertes, alors qu'ils développent leurs propres solutions, comme une variété de semences adaptées à leurs dotations en ressources spécifiques, diversification des sources de revenus, stratégies d'accumulation différentielles et la prévention des risques. Tout ceci permet une évolution progressive de variation et de sélection. La dynamique de la société rurale est dans une large mesure due à un concours de différents groupes (stratégiques), par opposition à un autre, sur le partage du gâteau de l'aide au développement. Normalement, cette lutte entre les différents intérêts est couvert par la rhétorique de la planification du développement. Développement planifié était jusqu'à présent trop rigide, pour être en mesure de prendre en compte le tissu complexe et subtile de l'auto-organisation. Aide semble parfois être un substitut à une vision d'une société démocratique. Cela est dû au fait que les structures que nous visons dans le long terme - qui doivent permettre l'ouverture des marchés, une orientation des producteurs à des ressources et des besoins de la nation, la croissance des structures autochtones d'auto-assistance - exigerait un gouvernement responsable et démocratique, ainsi que la garantie des droits civils, une justice indépendante, la liberté de la presse, etc . Jusqu'à présent, cependant, tous ces éléments sont toujours opprimés par l'état commando lui-même, bien nourrie par les diverses formes d'aide technique et financière
Technologische Entwicklung, Schriftkultur und Schriftsprache als technologisches System
Die Autoren führen in diesem Aufsatz den Nachweis, daß technologische Entwicklung in den Ländern der Dritten Welt ohne den Übergang zur Schriftkultur nicht möglich ist. "Technologien lassen sich nicht auf jede Kultur aufpropfen, um dann weiter zu wachsen." Inwiefern Schriftkultur und Sprache Voraussetzung von technologischer Adaption und Technologieentwicklung sind, wird im ersten Abschnitt dargelegt. Anschließend wird ausgeführt, daß Schriftsprache als ein technologisches System mit einer Eigengesetztlichkeit betrachtet werden muß. "Große Alphabetisierungskampagnen bestimmten in den 60er Jahren die erste große entwicklungspolitische Euphorie. Sie scheiterten, mußten zwangsläufig scheitern, denn Verschriftlichung setzt Sprachausbau und setzt spezifische Institutionen voraus, die Schriftsprache stabilisieren." Von diesen institutionellen Voraussetzungen handelt der dritte Abschnitt. (psz
The long-term effects of development aid - Empirical studies in rural West Africa.
This article is based on field studies in rural West Africa. It concentrates on the socio-structural effects of development aid in the long run, in contrast to numerous available evaluation reports on the short-run effects of development projects. The study reveals that superficial generalisations or condemnations of development projects, like the big farmers benefit at the expense of the smaller ones, or the men benefit at the expense of the women, do not hold up to verification. Quite to the contrary one observes a wide range of specific adapted forms by which the target groups react to the demands and offers of development projects, and thereby transform their own social structure. In short, one observes a great diversity of social self-organisation. The bureaucratic structures of the development administration do, however, unfortunately - more often than not - ignore the social dynamic of their target groups which they nevertheless sustain unconsciously. Development aid has become an important political and economic factor in most African countries. Its financial impact often exceeds that of the national budget. It contributes, therefore, significantly to the development of a bureaucratic class and of its clients: the project development degenerates into a project nationalization / bureaucratization. This contrasts vividly with the strategies of the peasants. Men and women at village level do not accept any longer the paternalistic development approach. They just select what they need out of the packages of solutions that are offered to them, while they develop their own solutions, like a variety of seeds adapted to their specific resource endowments, diversified sources of income, different strategies of accumulation and risk prevention. All this allows for a gradual evolution by variation and selection. The dynamic of the rural society is to a large extent due to a competition of different (strategic) groups, opposed to one another, about the partitioning of the cake of development aid. Normally this struggle between different vested interests is covered up by the rhetoric of development planning. Planned development has up to now proven to be to rigid, to be able to take account of the complex and subtle fabric of self organisation. Aid sometimes appears to be a second best substitute for a vision of a democratic society. This is due to the fact that the structures we are aiming for in the long run - which are to allow for open markets, an orientation of the producers at the resources and needs of the nation, and last not least, the growth of indigenous structures of self-help - would require a responsible and democratic government, as well as the guarantee of civil rights, accountability, an independent judiciary, freedom of the press, etc.; up to now, however, all these elements are still oppressed by the commando state itself, well nourished by the various forms of technical and financial aid
Langzeitfolgen der Entwicklungshilfe: empirische Untersuchungen im ländlichen Westafrika
Dieser Artikel basiert auf Feldstudien im ländlichen Westafrika. Es konzentriert sich auf die sozio-strukturellen Effekte der Entwicklungshilfe auf lange Sicht, im Gegensatz zu zahlreichen verfügbaren Evaluierungsberichten über die kurzfristigen Effekte von Entwicklungsprojekten. Die Studie zeigt, dass oberflächliche Verallgemeinerungen oder Verurteilungen von Entwicklungsprojekten, z.B., dass die großen Landwirte auf Kosten der kleineren, oder die Männer auf Kosten der Frauen profitieren, der Überprüfung nicht standhalten. Ganz im Gegenteil beobachteten wir eine breite Palette spezifisch angepaßter Formen, mit denen die Zielgruppen auf die Anforderungen und Angebote von Entwicklungsprojekten reagieren und damit ihre eigene soziale Struktur verändern. Kurz gesagt, wir beobachteten eine große Vielfalt der sozialen Selbstorganisation. Die bürokratischen Strukturen der Entwicklungsverwaltung berücksichtigen jedoch leider oftmals nicht die soziale Dynamik ihrer Zielgruppen, die sie dennoch unbewusst aufrechterhalten. Die Entwicklungshilfe ist in den meisten afrikanischen Ländern zu einem wichtigen politischen und wirtschaftlichen Faktor geworden. Die finanziellen Auswirkungen übersteigen oft die des nationalen Haushalts. Sie trägt also wesentlich zur Entwicklung einer bürokratischen Klasse und derer Klienten bei: Die Projektentwicklung degeneriert zu einer Projektverstaatlichung / Bürokratisierung. Das kontrastiert mit den Strategien der Bauern. Männer und Frauen auf Dorfebene akzeptieren nicht mehr den paternalistischen Entwicklungsansatz. Sie wählen einfach, was sie brauchen, aus den Paketen von Lösungen, die ihnen angeboten werden, während sie ihre eigenen Lösungen entwickeln, wie eine Vielzahl von Samen, die an ihre spezifischen Ressourcen-Ausstattung, diversifizierte Einnahmequellen, verschiedene Strategien der Akkumulation und Risikoprävention angepasst sind. All dies ermöglicht eine allmähliche Entwicklung durch Variation und Selektion. Die Dynamik der ländlichen Gesellschaft beruht in hohem Maße auf einer Konkurrenz unterschiedlicher (strategischer) Gruppen über die Aufteilung der Entwicklungshilfe. Normalerweise wird dieser Kampf zwischen verschiedenen Gruppen-Interessen durch die Rhetorik der Entwicklungsplanung verdeckt. Die von den Institutionen der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit geplante Entwicklung hat sich bislang als zu starr erwiesen, um den komplexen und subtilen Stoff der Selbstorganisation berücksichtigen zu können. Die Hilfe scheint manchmal nur ein zweitbester Ersatz für eine Vision einer demokratischen Gesellschaft zu sein. Dies liegt daran, dass die Strukturen, die wir auf lange Sicht anstreben, sich mehr an der Öffnung der Märkte und nationalem Wachstum orientieren als an den Ressourcen und Bedürfnisse der Produzenten oder der Entwicklung nachhaltiger sozialer indigenen Strukturen, z.B. der Hilfe zur Selbsthilfe, eine verantwortliche und demokratische Regierung, Gewährleistung der Bürgerrechte, Rechenschaftspflicht, eine unabhängige Justiz, Pressefreiheit usw. Bis jetzt aber werden jedoch alle diese Elemente immer noch vom 'Kommando-Staat' selbst unterdrückt, der maßgeblich unterstützt wird von den verschiedenen Formen der technischen und finanziellen Entwicklungszusammenarbeit.This article is based on field studies in rural West Africa. It concentrates on the socio-structural effects of development aid in the long run, in contrast to numerous available evaluation reports on the short-run effects of development projects. The study reveals that superficial generalisations or condemnations of development projects, like the big farmers benefit at the expense of the smaller ones, or the men benefit at the expense of the women, do not hold up to verification. Quite to the contrary one observes a wide range of specific adapted forms by which the target groups react to the demands and offers of development projects, and thereby transform their own social structure. In short, one observes a great diversity of social self-organisation. The bureaucratic structures of the development administration do, however, unfortunately - more often than not - ignore the social dynamic of their target groups which they nevertheless sustain unconsciously. Development aid has become an important political and economic factor in most African countries. Its financial impact often exceeds that of the national budget. It contributes, therefore, significantly to the development of a bureaucratic class and of its clients: the project development degenerates into a project nationalization / bureaucratization. This contrasts vividly with the strategies of the peasants. Men and women at village level do not accept any longer the paternalistic development approach. They just select what they need out of the packages of solutions that are offered to them, while they develop their own solutions, like a variety of seeds adapted to their specific resource endowments, diversified sources of income, different strategies of accumulation and risk prevention. All this allows for a gradual evolution by variation and selection. The dynamic of the rural society is to a large extent due to a competition of different (strategic) groups, opposed to one another, about the partitioning of the cake of development aid. Normally this struggle between different vested interests is covered up by the rhetoric of development planning. Planned development has up to now proven to be to rigid, to be able to take account of the complex and subtle fabric of self organisation. Aid sometimes appears to be a second best substitute for a vision of a democratic society. This is due to the fact that the structures we are aiming for in the long run - which are to allow for open markets, an orientation of the producers at the resources and needs of the nation, and last not least, the growth of indigenous structures of self-help - would require a responsible and democratic government, as well as the guarantee of civil rights, accountability, an independent judiciary, freedom of the press, etc.; up to now, however, all these elements are still oppressed by the commando state itself, well nourished by the various forms of technical and financial aid
Corporate Security Responsibility: Towards a Conceptual Framework for a Comparative Research Agenda
The political debate about the role of business in armed conflicts has increasingly raised expectations as to governance contributions by private corporations in the fields of conflict prevention, peace-keeping and postconflict peace-building. This political agenda seems far ahead of the research agenda, in which the negative image of business in conflicts, seen as fuelling, prolonging and taking commercial advantage of violent conflicts,still prevails. So far the scientific community has been reluctant to extend the scope of research on ‘corporate social responsibility’ to the area of security in general and to intra-state armed conflicts in particular. As a consequence, there is no basis from which systematic knowledge can be generated about the conditions and the extent to which private corporations can fulfil the role expected of them in the political discourse. The research on positive contributions of private corporations to security amounts to unconnected in-depth case studies of specific corporations in specific conflict settings. Given this state of research, we develop a framework for a comparative research agenda to address the question: Under which circumstances and to what extent can private corporations be expected to contribute to public security
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