Interactive Effects within the Prototype Willingness Model: Predicting the Drinking Behavior of Indigenous Early Adolescents

Drawing on the Prototype/Willingness Model of Adolescent Risk Behavior we used longitudinal data collected from North American Indigenous early adolescents (ages 10–12 years) to examine the interactive effects of favorable drinker prototypes, perceived drinking norms, and past year drinking behavior on subsequent drinking behavior (i.e., drinking behavior 1 year later and growth in drinking behavior from 1–5 years later). We found that the positive association between favorable drinker prototypes and drinking one year later was strongest for adolescents who were high in past year drinking and perceived low drinking norms. The interaction pattern for growth in drinking was more complex and suggested an important pattern; specifically, favorable drinker prototypes were positively associated with drinking five years later, but only for adolescents who reported no past year drinking and perceived low drinking norms. The theoretical and practical implications of these results are discussed

Interactive Effects within the Prototype Willingness Model: Predicting the Drinking Behavior of Indigenous Early Adolescents

Drawing on the Prototype/Willingness Model of Adolescent Risk Behavior we used longitudinal data collected from North American Indigenous early adolescents (ages 10–12 years) to examine the interactive effects of favorable drinker prototypes, perceived drinking norms, and past year drinking behavior on subsequent drinking behavior (i.e., drinking behavior 1 year later and growth in drinking behavior from 1–5 years later). We found that the positive association between favorable drinker prototypes and drinking one year later was strongest for adolescents who were high in past year drinking and perceived low drinking norms. The interaction pattern for growth in drinking was more complex and suggested an important pattern; specifically, favorable drinker prototypes were positively associated with drinking five years later, but only for adolescents who reported no past year drinking and perceived low drinking norms. The theoretical and practical implications of these results are discussed

Self-reported arrests among Indigenous adolescents: A longitudinal analysis of community, family, and individual risk factors

Purpose: North American indigenous (American Indian/Canadian First Nations) adolescents are overrepresented in the juvenile justice systems in the USA and Canada. One explanation advanced for disproportionate numbers of racial and ethnic minorities in the justice systems is the unequal distribution of risk factors across groups. The purpose of this study is to investigate the prevalence of and risk factors for first arrest within a population sample of indigenous adolescents.Methods: The data come from an 8-year longitudinal panel study of indigenous youth (n = 641) from the northern Midwest and Canada, spanning ages 10 to 19 years. We used a discrete-time survival model to estimate the overall hazard of first arrest and change in the arrest hazard over time and included both time-invariant and time varying risk factors.Results: The risk of arrest increased over time, although the largest increase occurred between waves 3 and 4, when the adolescents averaged 13.1 and 14.3 years, respectively. The youth had a 55% probability of being arrested at least once by the end of the study. Of the time-invariant risk factors, exposure to violence, parent arrest, age, and income were associated with overall risk of first arrest. Three time-varying risk factors (alcohol use, marijuana use, and peer delinquency) were associated with changes in the risk of first arrest.Conclusions: Being arrested carries significant repercussions for young people, including involvement in the juvenile justice system as well as consequences into adulthood. Communities must go beyond programs that target problem behaviors because community, family, and peer factors are also important.Peer reviewedSociolog

Mental and substance use disorders from early adolescence to young adulthood among indigenous young people: final diagnostic results from an 8-year panel study

Objective—Our objective was to investigate change in prevalence rates for mental and substance abuse disorders between early adolescence and young adulthood in a cohort of indigenous adolescents who participated in an 8-year panel study. Method—The data are from a lagged, sequential study of 671 indigenous adolescents (Wave 1) from a single culture in the Northern Midwest USA and Canada. At Wave 1 (mean age 11.3 years, Wave 4 (mean age 14.3 years), Wave 6 (mean age 16.2 years), and at Wave 8 (mean age 18.3 years) the tribally enrolled adolescents completed a computer-assisted personal interview that included DISC-R assessment for 11 diagnoses. Our yearly retention rates by diagnostic wave were: Wave 2, 94.7 %; Wave 4, 87.7 %; Wave 6, 88.0 %; Wave 8, 78.5 %. Results—The findings show a dramatic increase in lifetime prevalence rates for substance use disorders. By young adulthood, over half had met criteria of substance abuse or dependence disorder. Also at young adulthood, 58.2 % had met lifetime criteria of a single substance use or mental disorder and 37.2 % for two or more substance use or mental disorders. The results are compared to other indigenous diagnostic studies and to the general population. Conclusions—A mental health crisis exists within the indigenous populations that participated in this study. Innovations within current mental health service systems are needed to address the unmet demand of adolescents and families

Mental and substance use disorders from early adolescence to young adulthood among indigenous young people: final diagnostic results from an 8-year panel study

Objective—Our objective was to investigate change in prevalence rates for mental and substance abuse disorders between early adolescence and young adulthood in a cohort of indigenous adolescents who participated in an 8-year panel study. Method—The data are from a lagged, sequential study of 671 indigenous adolescents (Wave 1) from a single culture in the Northern Midwest USA and Canada. At Wave 1 (mean age 11.3 years, Wave 4 (mean age 14.3 years), Wave 6 (mean age 16.2 years), and at Wave 8 (mean age 18.3 years) the tribally enrolled adolescents completed a computer-assisted personal interview that included DISC-R assessment for 11 diagnoses. Our yearly retention rates by diagnostic wave were: Wave 2, 94.7 %; Wave 4, 87.7 %; Wave 6, 88.0 %; Wave 8, 78.5 %. Results—The findings show a dramatic increase in lifetime prevalence rates for substance use disorders. By young adulthood, over half had met criteria of substance abuse or dependence disorder. Also at young adulthood, 58.2 % had met lifetime criteria of a single substance use or mental disorder and 37.2 % for two or more substance use or mental disorders. The results are compared to other indigenous diagnostic studies and to the general population. Conclusions—A mental health crisis exists within the indigenous populations that participated in this study. Innovations within current mental health service systems are needed to address the unmet demand of adolescents and families

Mental and substance use disorders from early adolescence to young adulthood among indigenous young people: Final diagnostic results from an 8-year panel study

Objective: Our objective was to investigate change in prevalence rates for mental and substance abuse disorders between early adolescence and young adulthood in a cohort of indigenous adolescents who participated in an 8-year panel study.Method: The data are from a lagged, sequential study of 671 indigenous adolescents (Wave 1) from a single culture in the Northern Midwest USA and Canada. At Wave 1 (mean age 11.3 years, Wave 4 (mean age 14.3 years), Wave 6 (mean age 16.2 years), and at Wave 8 (mean age 18.3 years) the tribally enrolled adolescents completed a computer-assisted personal interview that included DISC-R assessment for 11 diagnoses. Our yearly retention rates by diagnostic wave were: Wave 2, 94.7 %; Wave 4, 87.7 %; Wave 6, 88.0 %; Wave 8, 78.5 %.Results: The findings show a dramatic increase in lifetime prevalence rates for substance use disorders. By young adulthood, over half had met criteria of substance abuse or dependence disorder. Also at young adulthood, 58.2 % had met lifetime criteria of a single substance use or mental disorder and 37.2 % for two or more substance use or mental disorders. The results are compared to other indigenous diagnostic studies and to the general population.Conclusions: A mental health crisis exists within the indigenous populations that participated in this study. Innovations within current mental health service systems are needed to address the unmet demand of adolescents and families.Peer reviewedSociolog

Motherhood Situation and Life Satisfaction: Are Reasons for Having No Children Important?

The proportion of adult women without children in the United States has increased in recent years and there are multiple reasons women do not have children. Past research concerning the well-being of women relative to their motherhood status does not recognize the great diversity among women without children. I attempt to fill that gap by classifying women based on the presence or absence of children, fertility barriers, and childbearing intentions. The classification results in five motherhood situations: mothers, voluntarily childfree, women delaying motherhood, involuntarily childless with situational barriers and involuntarily childless with biomedical barriers. This study specifies the relationship between women’s life satisfaction and motherhood situation using data from the first wave of the National Survey of Fertility Barriers (N=4,712). I draw on identity theory and life course theory to compare the life satisfaction of women with and without children to see if the status (not having children) is more important than the process (the reason women have no children). I also test the moderating effects of importance of motherhood, age, and marital status. Findings show that women who delay motherhood and childless women with situational barriers are different from women who choose to be childfree or women who have biomedical barriers. Therefore it is important not only to compare mothers to non-mothers, but also to explore the reasons why women do not have children when examining differences in life satisfaction

A stress process model of arrest among homeless women: Exploring risk and protective factors

Objective: Women constitute one of the fastest-growing segments of both the homeless and incarcerated populations. In addition, homeless women tend to have higher rates of victimization, mental illness, substance use, and criminal justice system involvement compared to non-homeless women, although this body of research is becoming dated. The current study situates homeless women’s involvement in the criminal justice system within the stress process model and proposes that these factors—childhood abuse, psychiatric disorders, and homelessness—act as stressors that increase their risk of arrest. In addition, social support and self-efficacy are examined as potential protective factors that may act as buffers against arrest. Method: This study utilizes data from 159 homeless women from three U.S. cities: Omaha, Nebraska, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and Portland, Oregon. Results: First, rates of childhood abuse and recent arrest were examined: 75% of the women had experienced some physical, verbal, or sexual abuse during childhood and 20% of the women had been arrested in the year prior to the study. Bivariate logistic regression results indicated that childhood sexual abuse was a significant correlate of recent arrests. Next, stressors related to mental illness, substance use, and women’s experiences while homeless were tested as mediators of the focal relationship. Drug dependence disorder and victimization experienced while homeless emerged as significant mediators in the relationship between childhood sexual abuse and arrest. Finally, social support and self-efficacy were explored as moderating resources. These protective factors, however, were unrelated to recent arrest and did not modify the relationship between psychiatric disorders or homelessness stressors and arrest. Conclusions: The current study supports the stress process model as a valid framework for studying risk and protective factors for arrest among homeless women. Stressors experienced early in life, such as childhood sexual abuse, give rise to stressors in other life domains and lead to maladaptive outcomes. Results of the current study provide evidence for the ongoing criminalization of mental illness and homelessness in contemporary society

Does the Reason Matter? Variations in Childlessness Concerns Among U.S. Women

Does the reason why women have no children matter with regard to level of childlessness concerns? Reasons include biomedical barriers, situational barriers, delaying motherhood, and choosing to be childfree. The concept of ‘‘childlessness concerns’’ captures the idea that holidays and family gatherings are difficult because of not having children or feeling left out or sad that others have children. Life course and identity theories guided the structural equation model analyses of a representative sample of 1,180 U.S. women without children from the National Survey of Fertility Barriers. The results indicated that women with the least control over pregnancy, those with biomedical barriers, had the highest childlessness concerns. As hypothesized, the association between reasons and childlessness concerns was mediated by the identity-relevant measure, importance of motherhood. Contrary to the authors’ hypothesis, the association was not mediated by social messages to have children. Thus, it is primarily involuntarily childless women who have high childlessness concerns