Energy conversion in Bamako (Mali) : the request of flexibility

Since the mid -1970s, Sahelian countries are involved in energy policies which aim to substitute traditional energies (wood and charcoal) to modern fuels derived from petroleum. In Bamako (Mali), as in Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso) or N'Djamena (Chad), in spite of political incentives by governments in favour of fossil fuels, urban dwellers progress very slowly on the "energy ladder". Woodfuels are still the most preferred energy sources. This paper analyses the reasons of this conversion failure in the Malian capital, focusing on the preferences of the Bamakois, the incentives from the Malian government, and finally the resistance of the woodfuel market. Experience with Household Energy Policies in Mali shows that economic realism and government incentives will not persuade people to accept new fuels or new stoves. It shows also that woodfuel supply chains are alive and can react very quickly to any attempt of changes, to remain in force, and to offer urban dwellers a good energy service in terms of access and prices. Finally the analysis of Bamako's case shows that the choice of an energy portfolio is more important than a single efficient, modern and cheap source. In spite of the equivalent cost for using gas and charcoal, the more well-off people in Bamako continue to prefer woody fuels. This consumption pattern gives the people of Bamako an energy independence, which allows them not to be subjected too severely neither to marked rises in petroleum prices, nor to supply interruption. The freedom of choice is an amplified demand in urban area where the diversity in the rhythms of life and the large range of buyable foods involve the diversity of cooking habits. The request of flexibility is certainly one the reason of the failure of most conversion programmes. (Résumé d'auteur

The failure of the energy conversion in Bamako: a multilevel approach of the sectoral innovation system

Depuis les années 1970, les pays sahéliens se sont engagés dans des politiques énergétiques visant à réduire la consommation en bois et en charbon au profit de dérivés pétroliers (gaz butane et kérosène). A Bamako (Mali), en dépit de politiques publiques incitatives en faveur des énergies fossiles, le bois?énergie reste depuis plus de 30 ans la principale source énergétique. Ce papier vise à identifier les mécanismes et facteurs de blocage d'un processus de conversion énergétique pourtant largement encouragé par les différents gouvernements. A cet effet, nous analysons le système sectoriel d'innovation mis en place selon une approche multi?niveaux. A chaque niveau nous nous intéressons aux acteurs et aux relations qu'ils ont avec les innovations du secteur en termes d'attraction ou de répulsion. Les résultats montrent que l'approche est pertinente pour expliquer la dynamique de l'échec de la conversion. Elle montre également la nécessité d'un consensus social général pour ce type de changements. (Résumé d'auteur

Wood: a key resource for economic development

With population growth and urban development, African demand for wood is growing steadily. Most of the countries of Africa are facing a major challenge: reconciling their economic development, which often implies deforestation, with the maintenance of tree canopy cover, which provides resources and basic services for rural and urban populations. (Résumé d'auteur

Green energy and rural development in developing countries: a marriage attempt which is falling apart

Production of green energy is a pillar of green economy. Governments and development agencies of developing countries have promoted it. The main associated goals are, in theory, to: (1) switch from coal and oil production to biomass production; (2) provide local power in off-grid areas, create employment and associate local value with the creation of local biomass supply chain; and (3) decrease the pressure on the natural vegetation stands. These three green principles were theoretically virtuous and based on pro-rural development (increasing power artisanal production and local use of this power) and on sustainable management of the environment. However, from a short historical perspective, the green energy investments demonstrated several adverse effects: 1) the capitals allotted to green energy operators have been quickly concentrated on big energy production units generally leant to agro-industrial stakeholders in the sectors of sugar cane, palm oil or industrial wood; 2) capitalistic positions have been reinforced to the detriment of rural development. Indeed, smallholders were involved in power generation as raw materials' suppliers, but they were left over from any better access to energy; 3) the demand of the big units for biomass is such that it is likely to destabilize the local biomass value chains handled by smallholders; 4) green energy production didn't change the way to produce biomass and didn't alleviate environmental impacts. Hence, behind the virtuous rural-development-based discourse at the political level, the green energy is up to now hold by huge capitalistic units having no consideration for smallholders and for the environment

Europe is ruling the new global wood-energy market: what potential impact on Central African forest sector?

Today, many European governments are setting up policies to promote wood energy as part of their plans to meet the EU ambitious target of 20% of energy consumption from renewable sources by 2020. In its various forms, from sticks to chips and pellets, wood accounts for about half of Europe's renewable-energy consumption. Analysts forecast that demand will increase at an annual rate near 5% until 2030. In 2014, Europe consumed 16m tonnes of wood pellets. On current trends, this demand will rise to 25m-30m a year by 2020. Europe does not produce enough timber to meet that extra demand. At the moment, EU is the largest wood energy market in developed countries and to supply its demand it is already importing huge quantities of fuelwood mainly from the USA, Canada and Russia. But the major exporters (Canada and USA) could soon be interested in using pellets for their own electricity needs replacing coal and the source could quickly dry up. Apart from the Republic of South Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, still do not participate in this market. Yet the resources, particularly in Central Africa are significant. Central African countries have the potential to produce enough biomass that even after covering growing domestic energy demands, a net surplus of biofuel can be sustainably produced. Loggers and African processors begin studying the possibility of producing and exporting pellets and charcoal to Europe. This new market has the potential to completely revolutionize the current market of timber, its geography and its logging standards. First, the prices of wood energy are constantly increasing, and some economists expect the world price of fuelwood and industrial roundwood to converge in 2030. Then the wood energy market is not very demanding on the quality of wood; all wood is good to burn: sawmill residues, forest wastes, declassified logs, and secondary species. Then the woodfuel market is not very demanding on production standards, although voluntary standards are emerging. And finally pellet is a product that allows to concentrate the energy and reduce transportation costs. It thus allows to make profitable remote production sites. This presentation aims to give a brief overview over the trade in woodfuel at global scale and to highlight threats and opportunities for Central African forest sector that the increasing European demand may cause. (Texte intégral

Le bois: une ressource majeure au service du développement économique

Avec l'accroissement démographique et le développement des villes, la demande africaine en bois ne cesse de croître. La plupart des pays du continent sont confrontés à un défi majeur : concilier leur développement économique, souvent synonyme de déforestation, avec le maintien d'un couvert arboré synonyme de ressources et de services essentiels aux populations rurales et urbaines. (Résumé d'auteur

Modelling as a tool for spatial planning of commodity production: the example of certified oil palm plantations in Central Africa

The Central African region is targeted by agri-business companies as a suitable place to develop large plantations. Most of the existing assessments of available land are based on an a priori definition of availability and without any operational-level rules of sustainability. We intend to estimate the potential for a sustainable development of oil palm plantations in the Republic of Congo, taking into account spatial constraints linked to RSPO certification standard and groundchecked social realities. The analysis builds on an assessment of current land uses and prospects and on spatial analysis. Spatial constraints are combined so as to circumscribe areas suitable for oil palm, available for development, responding to the sustainability criteria of RSPO and adequate to the technical model proposed. This analysis results in an estimation of 10.7 Million ha theoretically suitable for oil palm. From this, 1.4 Mha should be available but the technical model applied limits this area to 1.1 Mha adequate for industrial plantations, and 0.1 Mha adequate for smallholdings. Explicit spatial modelling of sustainable production is possible at national scale. This tool allows to take into account the certification standards in land use planning and to highlight new possible areas of development outside natural forests. (Résumé d'auteur