The effect of 3-indoleacetic acid on the response of Lactobacillus arabinosus 17-5 to nicotinamide

Lactobacillus arabinosus 17-5 has been widely used as an assay organism for nicotinic acid (NA) since the development of the method by Snell and Wright (1). Although it has been realized that other substances present in tissue extracts may interfere with the bioassay, the nature of such substances has not been elucidated. During an investigation of tryptophan metabolism in the pea plant, we studied the possible conversion of this compound to nicotinic acid, since such a transformation has been demonstrated to occur in numerous organisms (2-4). The method involved infiltration of tissue with large quantities of tryptophan and subsequent bioassay for nicotinic acid with Lactobacillus arabinosus 17-5. Certain anomalous results led us to believe that other metabolites of tryptophan were interfering with the assay. Because 3-indoleacetic acid (IAA) is a known plant metabolite of tryptophan (5), we tested it for possible interference with the assay, and, as described below, found that such interference may occur under certain circumstances

New Uses for Old Buildings: Organic Renewal in the West Exchange District, 1975-2010

Paper: iii, 14 pp., digital file.Since 1975, the Exchange District west of Main Street has emerged as downtown Winnipeg’s most successful and interesting neighbourhoods. Built up as a wholesale warehouse district in the late 19th and early 20th century, the West Exchange is now seeing these warehouse spaces reused as loft condos, artist studios, offi ces and trendy retail, bars and cafes. This paper will examine the slow revitalization process that has occurred in the West Exchange, arguing that the lack of a major urban renewal programs and the abundance of cheap, reusable space has facilitated this revitalization. By leaving the West Exchange’s physical form intact, revitalization has been further assisted through the attraction of hipster and yupster consumers.Institute of Urban Studie

Winnipeg's Chinatown: A Summary

A summary of the City of Winnipeg's Chinatown in the downtown area. Describing the history, similarities, and future of Winnipeg's Chinatown

527 Groups and Campaign Finance: The Language, Logic, and Landscape of Campaign Finance Regulation

In 2004 the country witnessed the first presidential election since the passage of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA). A major purpose of BCRA was to end two of the worst abuses of the federal campaign finance law-sham issue ads and soft money raised by political party committees. The BCRA amendments, like existing federal campaign finance law, were designed first and foremost to prevent corruption or the appearance of corruption resulting from large contributors\u27 requesting favors from or gaining influence with the public officials whose campaigns their contributions benefited, regardless of whether the contributor or the lawmaker initiated the mutually beneficial process. As many foresaw at the time of BCRA\u27s passage, individuals and groups with considerable assets would seek and probably find new campaign finance vehicles for achieving most of the benefits of the system prior to BCRA. Nonetheless, the swiftness with which 527 groups have threatened to replace political parties as the soft-money middlemen in federal campaigns surprised and angered many - from members of Congress to ordinary citizens. Since the 2004 election saw one of the most polarized campaigns on record and since 527 groups, both Democratic and Republican, were especially active in funding attack ads and other highly visible forms of campaign activity, they emerged as the arch villains of the process. Bills have been introduced in Congress to compel almost all 527 groups engaged in federal campaigns to register as political committees subject to federal campaign finance law (FECA). In addition, lawsuits have been filed to force the Federal Election Commission (FEC) to impose sanctions on 527 groups that failed to register as political committees in the last election. Lawsuits were also filed challenging some of the FEC\u27s regulations on the grounds that they emasculated the provisions of BCRA, thereby contributing to the failure of reform efforts the agency is charge with implementing. As a result, some of the regulations were invalidated, some rewritten, and some are being appealed. In short, campaign finance reform is still in flux. The purpose of this Article is to analyze the legal issues that must be resolved before the validity of efforts to rein in 527 groups can be established. Most of these issues are constitutional because, by its nature, campaign finance regulation intrudes upon political speech, part of the core of First Amendment speech entitled to the most vigorous protection by the courts. My contribution to an area of the law where so many others have preceded me is to integrate the constitutional election law analysis with a technical analysis of what 527 groups really are and how they actually operate under the Internal Revenue Code. I also develop a new paradigm for understanding the conceptual foundations of specific constitutional doctrines that can and, in my view, do reveal a relatively coherent election law jurisprudence across the Supreme Court\u27s campaign finance decisions, even taking into account the recent decision in McConnell v. FEC, which most commentators agree broke new ground. I divide the constitutional issues at stake into different categories and conclude that in some areas the precedents are difficult to square with the 527 reform proposals, whereas in other areas mainstream Court precedents tend to support the validity of the reform proposals. In conclusion, I raise some policy questions that, if faced squarely, should give lawmakers pause before painting all 527 organizations with the same legislative brush

527 Groups and Campaign Finance: The Language, Logic, and Landscape of Campaign Finance Regulation

In 2004 the country witnessed the first presidential election since the passage of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (BCRA). A major purpose of BCRA was to end two of the worst abuses of the federal campaign finance law-sham issue ads and soft money raised by political party committees. The BCRA amendments, like existing federal campaign finance law, were designed first and foremost to prevent corruption or the appearance of corruption resulting from large contributors\u27 requesting favors from or gaining influence with the public officials whose campaigns their contributions benefited, regardless of whether the contributor or the lawmaker initiated the mutually beneficial process. As many foresaw at the time of BCRA\u27s passage, individuals and groups with considerable assets would seek and probably find new campaign finance vehicles for achieving most of the benefits of the system prior to BCRA. Nonetheless, the swiftness with which 527 groups have threatened to replace political parties as the soft-money middlemen in federal campaigns surprised and angered many - from members of Congress to ordinary citizens. Since the 2004 election saw one of the most polarized campaigns on record and since 527 groups, both Democratic and Republican, were especially active in funding attack ads and other highly visible forms of campaign activity, they emerged as the arch villains of the process. Bills have been introduced in Congress to compel almost all 527 groups engaged in federal campaigns to register as political committees subject to federal campaign finance law (FECA). In addition, lawsuits have been filed to force the Federal Election Commission (FEC) to impose sanctions on 527 groups that failed to register as political committees in the last election. Lawsuits were also filed challenging some of the FEC\u27s regulations on the grounds that they emasculated the provisions of BCRA, thereby contributing to the failure of reform efforts the agency is charge with implementing. As a result, some of the regulations were invalidated, some rewritten, and some are being appealed. In short, campaign finance reform is still in flux. The purpose of this Article is to analyze the legal issues that must be resolved before the validity of efforts to rein in 527 groups can be established. Most of these issues are constitutional because, by its nature, campaign finance regulation intrudes upon political speech, part of the core of First Amendment speech entitled to the most vigorous protection by the courts. My contribution to an area of the law where so many others have preceded me is to integrate the constitutional election law analysis with a technical analysis of what 527 groups really are and how they actually operate under the Internal Revenue Code. I also develop a new paradigm for understanding the conceptual foundations of specific constitutional doctrines that can and, in my view, do reveal a relatively coherent election law jurisprudence across the Supreme Court\u27s campaign finance decisions, even taking into account the recent decision in McConnell v. FEC, which most commentators agree broke new ground. I divide the constitutional issues at stake into different categories and conclude that in some areas the precedents are difficult to square with the 527 reform proposals, whereas in other areas mainstream Court precedents tend to support the validity of the reform proposals. In conclusion, I raise some policy questions that, if faced squarely, should give lawmakers pause before painting all 527 organizations with the same legislative brush

When Well-Being Trumps Liberty: Political Theory, Jurisprudence, and Children\u27s Rights

Compared to most adults, children are dependent and vulnerable and therefore require special protection. Efforts to safeguard their well-being often collide with one or more of the liberty guarantees of the First Amendment. Professor Etzioni fears that current jurisprudence has tipped the balance too far towards individual liberty, making it difficult to extend children the legal protection they need. Drawing on a theoretical account of constitutionalism as well as existing case law, the author argues that mainstream jurisprudence is up to the task of balancing the well-being of children against the liberty of adults. The Supreme Court\u27s recent decision in United States v. American Library Association, Inc., upholding the Children\u27s Internet Protection Act, broke little new ground but rather applied existing constitutional standards to reach a sound result

Civic Renewal and the Regulation of Nonprofits

Civic Renewal and the Regulation of Non-profits analyzes four understandings of civic renewal, elaborated in the wake of Robert Putnam\u27s book Bowling Alone, in light of the federal regulatory scheme imposed upon voluntary associations that qualify as exempt organizations under the Internal Revenue Code. These perspectives emphasize the primacy of one or more of the following as indispensable elements of civic health: (1) cooperation and effective collective action, (2) self-governance (3) equality and representative institutions, and (4) the moral character of the community or the public spiritedness of citizens. The study analyzes how the different assumptions and purposes of these distinct perspectives on civic health suggest different, sometimes incompatible, recommendations for civic life and, by implication, for how voluntary associations should be regulated. Because voluntary associations are central to most prescriptions for revitalizing civic health, the analysis reviews the empirical data bearing on the dynamics of associations and the impact participation has on association members. I then evaluate the expectations expressed by advocates of civic renewal in light of these empirical findings. I conclude that increased participation in voluntary organizations has the potential to further the civic goals of the first (cooperation) and third (equality and representative institutions) perspectives. In contrast, based upon the empirical evidence reviewed, I question whether it is reasonable or useful for civic renewal advocates to portray associational life as an important potential source of increased public spiritedness (the fourth perspective) or the attributes necessary for reflective self-governance (the second perspective). The alternative is for those who emphasize the latter two aspects of civic health to recognize that certain substantive civic values must be nurtured in areas outside of the formal institutions of civic life rather than expected as the automatic or likely byproduct of a robust civil society. The heart of the study takes these findings and uses them to evaluate the existing regulation of voluntary associations by the Internal Revenue Code (the predominant source of the federal regulation of non-profits). In particular, I seek to clarify the ways in which existing tax rules further or undermine one or more of the civic goals elaborated in the first part. This part of the analysis also makes specific recommendations for regulatory reform to enhance the usefulness of non-profits for furthering the goals of each of the four civic renewal understandings

The Puzzle of Alfarabi\u27s Parallel Works

Scholars disagree about the correct interpretation of Alfarabi’s Political Regime and Virtuous City, treatises that have striking similarities, yet notable differences. For some, the treatises encapsulate Alfarabi’s philosophy; for others, they express only politically salutary opinions. Both interpretations fail to explain why he wrote parallel works. If both reflect Alfarabi’s genuine philosophic doctrines, why did he compose separate but parallel treatises, both written when his philosophy was mature? Alternatively, if the treatises are political or rhetorical, why did Alfarabi compose two versions, and why did he choose these two accounts rather than others? To answer these questions, I discuss several overarching differences between the treatises, concluding that each work has an inner coherence and develops a distinctive narrative. I offer suggestions to account for the works’ distinctive orientations, both to persuade doubtful readers of their philosophic significance and to suggest to both groups of scholars reasons for their systematic differences

The Middle Way: What Contemporary Liberal Legal Theorists Can Learn from Aristotle

American legal theorists frequently ask whether and how theorists, citizens, lawmakers, judges, and other public officials can attain truth, correctness, or certainty in their legal and moral views. This essay discusses the views of contemporary liberal legal theorists who have attempted to answer these questions in a way that is neither objectivist nor formalist, on the one hand, nor subjectivist or relativist, on the other, referring to authors that make up this group as theorists of the middle way. The essay suggests areas in which such legal thinkers might profit from studying Aristotle\u27s writings about ethics and politics. Two approaches of contemporary liberal legal theory of the middle way are discussed. The first is characterized by a reluctance to have recourse to substantive moral and political principles that exist independently of a particular legal order. Because of their reluctance to import substantive standards external to a nation?s legal system into legal reasoning, this approach advocates to a much greater degree than the second approach reliance on communal deliberation and various structural, procedural, and related devices to constrain deliberations about human values and conduct. This study outlines some of the central beliefs of this process-oriented approach to practical knowledge and then analyzes how Aristotle might react to them. The beliefs discussed are the place and method of communal reasoning about practical matters; self governance and consent; self-governance and transformative political participation; and the emphasis on ideal speech conditions to legitimate the products of communal deliberation. The second approach of contemporary liberal legal theory of the middle way discussed in the essay is characterized by a belief that moral or political philosophy can arrive at some measure of truth about principles and values having to do with the lives of individuals and the conduct of communities. With one exception, the theorists discussed in this part of the essay are willing to recognize and incorporate such principles and values into practical reasoning that takes place within the confines of a particular legal system such as our own. These thinkers disagree about the degree to which and the occasions on which recourse to values external to a political community should occur. This essay discusses how Aristotle might react to the major ideas common to these thinkers. The ideas discussed in this part are the sources of external substantive values that legal reasoning might incorporate; the relative roles of consent and habit in securing obedience to the law; and the connection between deliberation and character