448 research outputs found

    The islamic statute of the Mudejars in the light of a new source

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    The present article aims at analyzing and evaluating the data of a new source concerning the legal views of Muslim scholars about the Islamic statute of the Muslim communities living under Christian rule in the Iberian Peninsula from the 12th up till the early 16th centuries. We are dealing here with (1) and unpublished fatwā of the Andalusian scholar Ibn Rabī‛ (d. 719/1320) and (2) unpublished fatwās of the Chief Judges of the four Sunnite madhhabs in Cairo around the year 1510 A.D. In all probabiUty, the first fatwā was closely related to the events following the Mudejar revolt in Murcia in 1265 and the Christian reconquest of the city in 1266» This fatwā stresses that Muslims living under Christian rule are absolutely obliged to perform the duty of emigration (hijra) to Islamic territory. A much more pragmatic view was, however, defended by the Chief Judges of the four madhhabs in Cairo during the early 16th century. The questions to which these fatwās provide the answers, seem to have been posed by Muslims from Valencia, stopping over in Cairo, on their way to or from the hajj. In conclusion, the authors argue that from the early 12th century onwards two different types of legal views about the statute of Islam under Christian rule in the Iberian Peninsula coexisted, viz. (1) a pragmatic view, tantamount to a de facto recognition of Islam under Christian rule, and (2) a rejectionist view, stressing the duty to emigrate from Christian Spain to Dār al-Islām. The changing impact of these different lines of legal thought deserves to be studied more closely within the context of the complex and changeable political relations between Christendom and Islam during the period concerned.El trabajo expone, analiza, y evalúa los datos de una nueva fuente sobre las visiones jurídicas de los ‛ulamā’ con respecto al estatuto islámico de las comunidades islámicas bajo dominio cristiano en la Península Ibérica desde el siglo XII hasta el siglo XVI. Se trata de (1) una fetua desconocida e inédita del sabio andalusí Ibn Rabī‛ (m. 719/1320) y (2) fetuas desconocidas de los principales cadíes de los cuatro madhabs sunníes en El Cairo hacia 1510 A.D. Muy probablemente, hay que relacionar la primera fetua con los acontecimientos en Murcia tras la sublevación mudejar de 1265 y la reconquista cristiana de la ciudad en 1266. El muftí subraya que los musulmanes que viven bajo dominio cristiano están imperativamente obligados a emigrar a territorio islámico. Los principales cadíes de los cuatro madhabs sunníes en El Cairo al principio del siglo XVI, sin embargo, defienden un modo de ver mucho más pragmático. Probablemente, las preguntas fueron planteadas por mudejares de Valencia, que estaban en El Cairo camino de la peregrinación. Finalmente, los autores plantean que hay que distinguir dos tipos coexistentes de visiones con respecto al estatuto del Islam bajo dominio cristiano en la Península Ibérica desde principios del siglo xii; (1) una visión pragmática, equivalente a un reconocimiento de facto del Islam bajo dominio cristiano, y (2) una visión «de rechazo», que asume la obligación de emigrar de la España cristiana a Dār al-Islām. El impacto variable de estas visiones jurídicas merece un estudio más profundo dentro del ambiente histórico de las complejas y cambiantes relaciones políticas entre Islam y Cristiandad en esa época

    An appeal of the Moriscos to the Mamluk sultan and its counterpart to the Ottoman court: Textual analysis, context, and wider historical background

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    The present article deals with a shorter and different version of the poem containing a Morisco appeal to the Ottoman Empire, studied by James Monroe in Al-Andalus 31 (1966), 281-303. The shorter version proves that there had been another, similar appeal for help by the Moriscos which was directed, not to the Ottoman court, but to the Mamluk Sultan in Cairo. A close examination of the Mamlūkī and the Ottoman versions shows that the shorter version, directed to the Mamluk Sultan, was the original one. The present article contains (I) a comparative analysis of the Mamluk and the Ottoman versions of the qaṣīda, (II) a sketch of the wider historical framework of the international relations between the Christian and Muslim kingdoms of Spain on the one hand, and the Mamluk and Ottoman empire on the other hand, and (III) a discussion of the date of both versions of the qaṣīda (in the beginning of 1500 and first half of 1501, respectively) and of its authorship. It seems likely that the we have to look for the author of the qaṣīda in circles of Granadan Muslims who had belonged to the ruling class and, having accepted Christian rule, decided to accept administrative responsibility, such as for example several members of the al-Baqannī family (el Pequeñí in the Christian sources), some of whom who had first emigrated with Ibn al-Azraq to North Africa, but had returned and became members of the ruling Mudejar class.Este artículo tiene por objeto dar una versión diferente y más breve del poema que contiene una demanda morisca de ayuda al Imperio Otomano, poema estudiado por James Monroe en Al-Andalus XXXI (1966), 281-303. Esta versión indica que había habido otra demanda similar por parte de los moriscos al sultán mameluco de El Cairo, y que ésta era la original. El artículo contiene: 1) un análisis comparativo de las versiones de la casida dirigidas a los mamelucos y a los otomanos, 2) el marco histórico de las relaciones entre los reinos cristianos y musulmanes de la Península Ibérica por un lado y los territorios mameluco y otomano por otro, y 3) una discusión de la fecha de las dos versiones de la casida (comienzos de 1500 y primera mitad de 1501, respecfivamente), así como su autoría. Parece probable que el autor de la casida perteneciera a círculos de musulmanes granadinos que habían formado parte de las clases dirigentes de Granada y que luego habían aceptado puestos en la administración cristiana de la ciudad, como son, por ejemplo, varios miembros de la familia al-Baqannī (el Pequeñí en las fuentes cristianas), algunos de los cuales habían emigrado con Ibn al-Azraq al Norte de África, pero regresaron para integrarse en los grupos dirigentes mudéjares

    The Parchment of the "Torre Turpiana ": the original document and its early interpreters

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    The present contribution deals with the famous parchment found in 1588 in the old minaret of the former Friday Mosque of Granada, with texts in Arabic, Spanish, and Latin. Together with the Lead Books, discovered in various caves in the outskirts of Granada in the years 1595-1600, the parchment stood at the beginning of an important national cult. After being transferred to the Vatican at the beginning of the seventeenth century and following their anathematization in 1682 the parchment and the Lead Books were kept in Rome until the year 2000 when they were returned to the Archbishopry of Granada. The article presents an analysis of the layout and script of the parchment (2) followed by a survey of translations and transcripts by early (Christian and Muslim) eyewitnesses (3.1). The data of these early eyewitnesses are critically compared with the main elements of the parchment (3.2) Then follows a discussion of the palaeographic comments made by a few (Christian and Muslim) eyewitnesses (4). In the final conclusions, the authors argue that the document under discussion is indeed the original parchment as found in 1588 notwithstanding the incomprehensibility of its Arabic texts and the many inconsistencies and corruptions of its Spanish and Latin texts (5.1). According to the authors, there is no evidence for the interpretation of the parchment as a pro to-Islamic document, as we are dealing here with a Roman Catholic message heralding the destruction of Islam. At the same time, however, the document also contained a symbolic message, viz. in stipulating that the first-century Granadan Christians, including the well-known figure of Cecilius, wrote Arabic and Spanish, just as many Moriscos did. In other words: even though Islam had to be extirpated, Arabic as a language could harmoniously accompany a genuine Christian life.Este artículo está dedicado al famoso pergamino encontrado en 1588 en el antiguo minarete de la que había sido mezquita aljama de Granada, con textos en árabe, latín y castellano. Junto con los libros plúmbeos descubiertos en diversas cuevas a las afueras de la ciudad entre 1595 y 1600, el pergamino está en los orígenes de un importante culto nacional. El artículo presenta un análisis de la composición y escritura del pergamino (2) y pasa revista a las trascripciones y traducciones que se hicieron por testigos cristianos y musulmanes (3.1). Éstas se comparan críticamente con los principales elementos del pergamino (3.2) y se discuten los comentarios paleográfícos hechos por estos testigos contemporáneos (4). Como conclusión, los autores mantienen que el documento transferido desde el Vaticano en el año 2000, es el original encontrado en 1588 a pesar de lo incomprensible de los textos árabes y de la corrupción de los textos castellano y latino (5.1) Según los autores, no hay base para considerar al pergamino como documento proto-islámico, puesto que se trata de un mensaje católico romano anunciando la destrucción del islam. Al mismo tiempo, el documento incluye un mensaje simbólico al mostrar que los cristianos granadinos del siglo I, incluyendo a Cecilius, escribían árabe y castellano, lo mismo que hacían los moriscos. Así, aunque el Islam había de ser extirpado, la lengua árabe se podía armonizar con una vida genuinamente cristiana

    Turkish imams and their role in decision-making in palliative care: A Directed Content and Narrative analysis

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    Background: Muslims are the largest religious minority in Europe. When confronted with life-threatening illness, they turn to their local imams for religious guidance. Aim: To gain knowledge about how imams shape their roles in decision-making in palliative care. Design: Direct Content Analysis through a typology of imam roles. To explore motives, this was complemented by Narrative Analysis. Setting/Participants: Ten Turkish imams working in the Netherlands, with experience in guiding congregants in palliative care. Results: The roles of Jurist, Exegete, Missionary, Advisor and Ritual Guide were identified. Three narratives emerged: Hope can work miracles, Responsibility needs to be shared, and Mask your grief. Participants urged patients not to consent to withholding or terminating treatment but to search for a cure, since this might be rewarded with miraculous healing. When giving consent seemed unavoidable, the fear of being held responsible by God for wrongful death was often managed by requesting fatwa from committees of religious experts. Relatives were urged to hide their grief from dying patients so they would not lose hope in God. Conclusion: Imams urge patients’ relatives to show faith in God by seeking maximum treatment. This attitude is motivated by the fear that all Muslims involved will be held accountable by God for questioning His omnipotence to heal. Therefore, doctors may be urged to offer treatment that contradicts medical standards for good palliative care. To bridge this gap, tailor-made palliative care should be developed in collaboration with imams. Future research might include imams of other Muslim organizations

    Preparation and magnetoresistance of Ag 2+x Se thin films deposited via Pulsed Laser Deposition

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    The preparation of Ag 2+x Se thin films with thicknesses between 4 nm and 3000 nm by pulsed laser deposition on single crystalline NaCl and MgO substrates is reported. The films are perfectly dense and show a good lateral uniformity with a small number of defects. The microstructure of the films corresponds to a nanoparquet, being composed of two different phases of silver selenide. One phase is identified as the Naumannite low temperature phase of silver selenide, the structure of the other phase has not been reported in detail before and probably represents a metastable phase. Silver-rich films contain silver precipitates with typical sizes on the nanoscale. Their presence and their size appears to be responsible for the large and linear magnetoresistance effect of silver-rich silver selenide

    The crystal structure of vanadium ditelluride V 1+ x

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