The Impact of Management Changes on Discharges to Water and Emissions to Air

This is a summary of two projects that were designed to investigate the cost effectiveness associated with adoption of farm management practices designed to reduce discharges to water and greenhouse gas emissions. The first report had the purpose of expressing the results as the financial cost to the case study farm per kg of nutrient discharge reduction achieved, or per mm of water use saved (per year) i.e., the cost-effectiveness of the measures. This second extension of that work had the objectives to both; further scope the research context and parameters and refine and expand the modeling capability. The full range of 11 mitigation options were modeled over the 5 Dairy, 13 Sheep and Beef and 2 Deer Monitoring Models. The results in terms of Nitrogen discharges (kg N) were then incorporated into farm financial models to determine the impact of adoption of the management changes on farm financial performance. The results are reported as mitigation cost effectiveness of each option on each farm and as a reduction in the carbon cost to the farm.Agribusiness, Environmental Economics and Policy, Land Economics/Use,

Modeling the Regional Economic Impacts of the 2007/08 Drought: Results and Lessons

The 2007-08 drought affected a large area of New Zealand. This paper describes the analytical framework used to estimate the associated regional and national economic impacts. Results suggest that calculating drought economic impacts by applying standard farming industry multipliers to changes in farm gate output can greatly overstate both regional and national economic impacts. Calculating impacts using differences between forecast and actual farm production and expenditure by farm type is both feasible and produces far more reliable impact estimates.Economic Impact, Drought, Modeling, Agricultural and Food Policy, Crop Production/Industries, Environmental Economics and Policy, Farm Management, Land Economics/Use,

AGRICULTURAL POLICY REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: AN UNFINISHED AGENDA

The paper is divided into three sections: a discussion of the major provisions of the FAIR act of 1996 [Federal Agriculture Improvement and Reform Act of 1996]; a review of the political forces leading up to it; and a discussion of reforms that could extend the incipient agenda that it represents.Agricultural and Food Policy,

Agricultural policy reform in the United States: an unfinished agenda

The 1996 Federal Agriculture Improvement and Reform Act (FAIR) contained important breaks with a tradition of crop-by-crop subsidies dating back to the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933. Farmers with recorded base acres were given the opportunity (which nearly all accepted) to sign a seven-year `contract' with the US Department of Agriculture (USDA), under which payments will be continued on the merged base acres on a declining schedule until the year 2002. FAIR is an unfinished agenda. First, the coverage of `freedom to farm' is only partial, with numerous commodities left out of the decoupling programme. Second, the largest producers will augment their already significant receipts with generous lump sum transfers from USDA. This will further reinforce the concentration of roughly 90 per cent of receipts and payments in the hands of the 100 000 to 200 000 largest producers of field crops. An alternative would be to make payments in times of low marketing receipts which recede when prices are high.Agricultural and Food Policy,

Don Quixote or Darth Vader? President Trump\u27s Views on International Humanitarian Law, 20 Wash. U. Global Stud. L. Rev. 45 (2021)

This Article explores President Trump\u27s views on international humanitarian law (IHL) - the body of rules that regulates the conduct of parties involved in an armed conflict. His beliefs are unlike those of any modern President. He has repeatedly called for actions that everyone, including his own administration, agree constitute war crimes. For example, he has called for the U.S. to torture its enemies, has threatened to kill the family members of enemy combatants, has praised the execution of prisoners by U.S. soldiers, has threatened to attack cultural heritage sites in Iran, and has said he wants to pillage Syria\u27s natural resources. These are all acts that have been recognized as crimes for at least 100 years. In effect, President Trump wants to do away with IHL and revert to a legal regime of “might makes right” during armed conflicts. Luckily, he has failed dismally. There are numerous reasons for this failure, including President Trump\u27s ignorance about international law, his disdain for expertise, and his lack of planning and follow-through. But the most important reason he has failed to remake IHL is that he has fundamentally under-estimated IHL\u27s resilience. It is deeply embedded in law and culture in the United States, particularly within the U.S. military. It is also deeply embedded within international law. As a result, the President has made some incendiary statements but has failed to make any meaningful changes to IHL

Senior Leaders and Those Most Responsible at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia

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Can the International Criminal Court Succeed? An Analysis of the Empirical Evidence of Violence Prevention

Despite significant optimism about the future of the International Criminal Court (“ICC”) during its early years, recently there has been growing criticism of it by both scholars and governments. As a result, there appears to be more doubt about the ICC’s ability to succeed now than at any other point in its history. So, are the critics correct? Is the ICC failing? No. This Article argues that, not only can the ICC succeed, there is strong evidence that it is already succeeding. It analyzes several recent empirical articles that have convincingly demonstrated that the ICC prevents serious violations of international criminal law. Prevention of violations is the principal goal of the ICC. Therefore, by preventing violence, the ICC is already accomplishing its most important goal. In other words, it is already succeeding. This may not be the dominant narrative about the Court, but it should be

What Investigative Resources Does the International Criminal Court Need to Succeed?: A Gravity-Based Approach, 16 Wash. U. Global Stud. L. Rev. 1 (2017)

There is an ongoing debate about what resources the International Criminal Court (ICC) needs to be successful. On one side of this debate are many of the Court’s largest funders, including France, Germany, Britain, Italy, and Japan. They have repeatedly opposed efforts to increase the Court’s resources even as its workload has increased dramatically in recent years. On the other side of the debate is the Court itself and many of the Court’s supporters within civil society. They have taken the position that it is underfunded and does not have sufficient resources to succeed. This debate has persisted for years and disagreements over the ICC’s funding level are now a central feature of the Court’s budgeting process. This Article assesses the ICC’s needs by looking at the investigative resources that states assign to domestic mass atrocity crimes and then comparing them to the investigative resources available to the ICC. One would expect that similar crimes would require similar resources to investigate. Thus, the resources devoted to domestic atrocity crime investigations can shed light on what resources the ICC needs to be successful. If the ICC has similar resources to those devoted to domestic mass atrocity investigations, this suggests that the ICC is adequately resourced. If, on the other hand, the ICC has fewer resources to conduct its investigations than domestic systems use in comparable circumstances, this suggests that the ICC is under-resourced