Implicatures of modified numerals: quantity or quality?

We propose a new analysis of modified numerals that allows us to: (i) predict ignorance with respect to the prejacent of at least (and thereby avoid to Bernard Schwarz's recent criticism of Coppock and Brochhagen 2013), (ii) get a three-way contrast between superlative modifiers, comparative modifiers, and numerals, without appeal to a two-sided analysis of numerals, and (iii) avoid the prediction that at least should produce quantity implciatures when only is not a grammatical alternative. With it, we reconcile Westera and Brasoveanu's (2014) findings with the achievements of the Coppock and Brochhagen account, bring that work in line with recent theorizing in inquisitive semantics using downward-closed possibilities, and show that inquisitive sincerity can interact with Horn-based quantity in a non-trivial way, something that may be fruitful to consider in other domains as well.https://4f669968-a-62cb3a1a-s-sites.googlegroups.com/site/sinnundbedeutung21/proceedings-preprints/modified-numerals-sub-2016-final.pdf?attachauth=ANoY7cp1Q88YF1lYnJLBxpbbMXxIReQLbjxbyfwsP3Dv0qStClh5zYCtiMY7oAffAskO4UIYw6zMQdQsLC51Szi9TVOkc2R-u24FpZ2Kxynell_DpHjqNGsvjzr4pn_sCZW_Zh7IuhuPtq1BvO_Qhr3GD0edCikCRvmXyduRelK7rMAl5SiQoQA4owH7XZgPb2UzcSrB-usqdQ5lUe6d4wevpSEM1M8AqgtmWwDMWfkSeWZ6iF5T_aAPRuLWJg5ate1CWzhwRqsS_gXl8hWNNKvB3-KRsLfRtw==&attredirects=0Published versio

Indefinites in Comparatives

The goal of this paper is to explain the meaning and distribution of indefinites in comparatives, focusing on the case of English some and any and German irgend-indefinites. We combine three competing theories of comparatives with an alternative semantics of some and any, and a novel account of stressed irgend-indefinites. One of the resulting theories, based on Heim’s (2006) analysis of comparatives, predicts all the relevant differences in quantificational force, and explains why free choice indefinites are licensed in comparatives

Searching for a universal constraint on the possible denotations of clause-embedding predicates

We propose a new universal constraint on the relationship between the meaning of a clause-embedding predicate when it takes an interrogative complement and its meaning when it takes a declarative complement. According to this proposal, every clause-embedding predicate V satisfies a constraint that we refer to as P-to-Q Entailment. That is, for any exhaustivity-neutral interrogative complement Q, if there is an answer p to Q such that "x Vs p" is true, then it follows that "x Vs Q" is true as well. We discuss empirical advantages of this proposal over existing proposals and explore potential counterexamples to P-to-Q Entailment

Coordinating questions: The scope puzzle

This paper introduces a new puzzle concerning the interaction between questions on the one hand, and conjunction and disjunction on the other. It shows that a conjunction of two polar interrogative clauses is interpreted so that each conjunct involves a polar question operator and the conjunction takes scope over these, whereas a disjunction of two polar interrogative clauses can only be interpreted as involving a single polar question operator scoping over the disjunction. In other words, two full-fledged polar questions each including their own question operator can be conjoined, but cannot be disjoined. We argue that the source of this contrast is semantic (rather than syntactic, pragmatic, or other), and we formulate two general constraints on question meanings which can each account for it. The first, based on Fox (2018), requires that the resolutions of a question are related in a particular way to the cells of the partition that the question induces on the context set. The second requires that the exhaustive interpretation of a consistent resolution of the question is never inconsistent. We leave open which of these two constraints is to be preferred

A dynamic semantics of single-wh and multiple-wh questions

We develop a uniform analysis of single-wh and multiple-wh questions couched in dynamic inquisitive semantics. The analysis captures the effects of number marking on which-phrases, and derives both mention-some and mention-all readings as well as an often neglected partial mention-some reading in multiple-wh questions.

Inquisitive Semantics

There is an age-old tradition in linguistics and philosophy to identify the meaning of a entence with its truth-conditions. This can be explained by the fact that linguistic and philosophical investigations are usually carried out in a logical framework that was originally designed to characterize valid reasoning. Indeed, in order to determine whether an argument is valid, it suffices to know the truth-conditions of the premises and conclusion. However, argumentation is neither the sole, nor the primary function of language. One task that language more widely and ordinarily fulfils is to enable the exchange of information between conversational participants. Inquisitive semantics is a new logical framework for the analysis of this fundamental usage of language. Information exchange can be seen as a process of raising and resolving issues. Inquisitive semantics provides a new formal notion of issues, which makes it possible to model various concepts that are crucial for the analysis of linguistic information exchange in a more refined and more principled way than has been possible in previous frameworks. This book provides a detailed exposition of inquisitive semantics, and demonstrates its benefits with a range of applications in the semantic analysis of questions, coordination, modals, conditionals, and intonation

The distributive ignorance puzzle

Theoretical and Experimental Linguistic