Editorial: African women's struggles in a gender perspective

International audienc

National protest agenda and the dimensionality of party politics: Evidence from four East-Central European democracies

Contemporary democracies show considerable differences in the issue composition of their protest politics, which tends to remain relatively stable over time. In countries like Germany or the Czech Republic, the vast majority of protests have been mobilised around sociocultural issues, such as human rights, peace, nuclear power or the environment, and only a tiny portion of protest has focused on economic issues. At the opposite extreme, protest in France or Poland usually has a strongly economic character and voices demands relating to material redistribution and social policy. What lies behind the cross-country differences in national protest agendas? In this article, the national protest agenda depends on what issues mainstream political parties are contesting: the content and strength of the master-issue dimension. In reference to the literature on the multidimensional political space and niche political parties, one should expect that there is a substitutive effect; where the stronger a specific master-issue dimension is in party politics, the less salient that issue dimension is in protest politics. This substitutive effect results from the tendency of electoral politics to reduce political conflict to a single-dimension equilibrium, which decreases the importance of other issues and relegates the contest over secondary, niche issues to the realm of policy-seeking strategies, with protest being a common type of this political strategy. In party systems where single-dimension equilibrium does not exist and the master-issue dimension is weaker, the same dynamics result in a more convergent relationship between party and protest politics and a greater similarity between the protest- and party-system agendas. To investigate this theory, the national protest agendas in four countries are examined. The Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia show four combinations of two crucial factors that are not available in the old Western democracies: the content and the strength of the master-issue dimension. The study draws on an original dataset of protest events organised in the four countries between 1993 and 2010, and on qualitative and quantitative data on issue dimensions of party politics obtained from studies on party politics and expert surveys. The results show that in the Czech Republic, where the master-issue dimension has remained strongly economic, protest has been predominantly sociocultural. In Poland between 1993 and 2001 and Hungary between 1993 and 2006, the master-issue dimensions are strongly sociocultural, while protest is predominantly economic. There is no single-dimension equilibrium in party politics in Slovakia or in post-2001 Poland and mainstream parties compete on both economic and sociocultural issues. Consequently, the substitutive dynamics between party and protest politics is weaker and the issue agendas in party and protest arenas are here more alike. <br/

Engaging audiences with difficult pasts: the Voices of ’68 Project at the Ulster Museum, Belfast

Can history museums influence the relationship between divided communities? This paper explores why an initially modest collaboration between the authors and the Ulster Museum on the non‐violent Northern Ireland Civil Rights Movement of 1968/69, eventually had substantial impact beyond the museum’s walls. Having placed the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Movement within the context of both the international protests of 1968 and the specific environment of Northern Ireland, particularly the virtual civil war known as the Troubles, the paper turns to the role of museums in responding to the legacy of this past, and the evolving practice of the Ulster Museum, as background to the project. The latter began as a limited intervention within an existing display, based on oral histories and underpinned by the theory of ‘agonism’, proposing that divided communities must learn to live with difference. It eventually included exhibitions, workshops, school study days, curricular materials and online provision. It has directly influenced the Northern Ireland GCSE History Curriculum and been held up as an example of good practice within the province’s peace process. The paper discusses why the project succeeded – location within a national museum; credibility with protagonists, academics, communities and audiences; starting small; a willingness to take risks and share control; multiple perspectives; and an acceptance that not everyone will be satisfied. With a version of the Voices of 68 exhibition now installed in the Museum’s permanent gallery, the next challenges are longitudinal studies on its impact and assessing the approach’s relevance to other museums working in post‐conflict societies

On y voit rien. Le recours aux sources de presse pour l'analyse des mobilisations protestataires

Aujourd'hui la PEA est devenue la méthode la plus employée dans le champ des études de mobilisation. Toutefois, il est frappant que les limites, nombreuses, de cette méthode, demeurent peu explorées, malgré une abondante littérature critique. C'est à ces questions des biais propres aux sources de presse dans le cadre de la PEA et aux moyens de les explorer que ce working paper se consacre. Nous commencerons par montrer, en deux temps, comment la question de la systématicité gagne à être explorée à partir d'enquêtes qualitatives, en nous appuyant sur un travail inédit mené naguère auprès du journal Le Monde, dans le cadre d'une recherche collective sur les transformations de l'activisme environnemental en Europe, dont les données seront comparées avec des sources de police, le dépouillement des dépêches de l'Agence France-Presse sur six mois, et surtout une série d'interviews avec des journalistes spécialisés dans l'environnement. L'on revient dans un second temps à la question de la sélectivité des sources en tentant de montrer comment dans toute une série de circonstances et pour toute une série de groupes, les luttes ne sauraient se réduire ni aux événements protestataires ni à un appel à l'Etat ou à l'opinion. L'on espère ainsi proposer des moyens de se garder d'un défaut commun à tout conventionnalisme méthodologique qui, ici comme ailleurs, frappe la recherche, soit la réitération de mesures conventionnelles ayant pour effet de les institutionnaliser en dehors de toute réflexion sur leur pertinence. Protest Events Analysis (PEA) has by no doubts become one the most used method in the field of social movement research. Yet, the numerous biases of that method have not been explored completely, despite a rich litterature. Our paper first proposes a discussion of the systematicity of biases, based on an empirical research on environmental journalists in various French newspapers and Agence France press. Secondly, we deal with the question of selectivity of biases. Finally, we propose some methodological recommendations in order to improve our understanding of social movements and to avoid methodological conventionalism