Places to Dream

The 2012 election showed that the Latino vote is a force that must be reckoned with, and this has revived discussions about the DREAM Act and Immigration Reform, particularly about the idea that those immigrants who are already here should be allowed to stay. But why does being physically present in a state’s territory entitle you to rights that you would not otherwise have? This paper examines arguments to grant rights to Dreamers based on membership and territorial presence, and argues that relation to place gives us better grounds for claiming that Dreamers have a right to stay

Places to Dream

The 2012 election showed that the Latino vote is a force that must be reckoned with, and this has revived discussions about the DREAM Act and Immigration Reform, particularly about the idea that those immigrants who are already here should be allowed to stay. But why does being physically present in a state’s territory entitle you to rights that you would not otherwise have? This paper examines arguments to grant rights to Dreamers based on membership and territorial presence, and argues that relation to place gives us better grounds for claiming that Dreamers have a right to stay

Pueblo, territorio y derechos. La legitimidad estatal ante las fronteras móviles:

Traditionally, people, territory, and rights must align to justify state control. However, states have recently shifted their borders so that these three elements are decoupled. How should we understand state legitimacy then? This paper examines three contemporary responses to the phenomenon of shifting borders. First, sovereigntism seeks to stabilize the relation of people and territory, even if that requires limiting the scope of rights. Second, democratic cosmopolitanism tolerates shifts in territory, as long as the people and rights coincide. Finally, the Watershed Model keeps rights within the territory, but it accepts changes in the people, as it separates democratic governance and rights from a particular national identity. The paper argues that the Watershed Model can better respond to the challenges posed by human mobility in times of planetary crises.Tradicionalmente, pueblo, territorio y derechos deben coincidir para justificar el control estatal. Sin embargo, los Estados han desplazado recientemente sus fronteras de modo que estos tres elementos se encuentran desacoplados. ¿Cómo debemos entender entonces la legitimidad del Estado? Este artículo examina tres respuestas contemporáneas al fenómeno del desplazamiento de las fronteras. En primer lugar, el soberanismo trata de estabilizar la relación entre pueblo y territorio, aunque para ello haya que limitar el alcance de los derechos. En segundo lugar, el cosmopolitismo democrático tolera los desplazamientos del territorio, siempre que pueblos y derechos coincidan. Por último, el modelo de la cuenca hidrográfica mantiene los derechos dentro del territorio, pero acepta cambios en el pueblo, ya que separa la gobernanza democrática y los derechos de una identidad nacional concreta. En el artículo se sostiene que el modelo de cuencas hidrográficas puede responder mejor a los retos que plantea la movilidad humana en tiempos de crisis planetaria

Making the People. An Interview with Paulina Ochoa Espejo, Haverford College

Paulina Ochoa Espejo is an Associate Professor of political science at Haverford College. She is the author of On Borders: Territories, Legitimacy and the Rights of Place (OUP, 2020), The Time of Popular Sovereignty: Process and the Democratic State (PSUP, 2011) and co–editor of the Oxford Handbook of Populism (2017)

Managing digital contention in China

This paper explores new developments in cyber content management strategies in China by highlighting the rise of participatory, peer-to-peer censoring practices, and examining how the People's Daily have responded to the contentious events in the top 20 public opinion incidents of 2016, to illustrate how official media uses different types of management strategies to mediate and demobilise contention, on top of information containment strategies such as censorship. I also discuss briefly the creation of a Digital United Front which seeks to incorporate social influencers and cyber elites into mainstream political institutions such as the CPPCC. Not only do these strategies further undermine the formation of a political locus opposite the state, they continue to subsume previously oppositional narratives into grander narratives of stability and national progress. Online political participation in Chinese cyberspace must seek further paternalistic protection from Party authorities in order to legitimise their contention. Although this strengthens the Party-state's claim to legitimacy, ultimately this weakens the emergence of civil society in China as the only form of contention that can survive is those that are legitimised by the Party-state, and the political space oppositional to the state remain closed off

Who are The People in Populism?

Paulina Ochoa Espejo (MA, Essex; PhD, Johns Hopkins) is an Associate Professor of Political Science at Haverford College. She is the author of The Time of Popular Sovereignty: Process and the Democratic State and co-editor of the Oxford Handbook of Populism. She\u27s finishing a book manuscript entitled Just Borders: Peoples, Territories and the Rights of Place