Mère à l’adolescence : analyse de la fécondité des Indiennes inscrites âgées de 15 à 19 ans, de 1986 à 2004

La fécondité des Indiennes inscrites âgées de 15 à 19 ans au Canada est très élevée, environ 100 naissances pour 1 000 femmes. Les taux de fécondité des Indiennes adolescentes sont comparables à ceux d’adolescentes dans les pays les moins avancés. L’analyse des données à l’échelle provinciale révèle de fortes variations de cette fécondité, le taux variant du simple au double. Malgré les conséquences bien connues de la maternité précoce sur la qualité de vie des jeunes mères et de leurs enfants, la fécondité des Indiennes adolescentes suscite peu d’intérêt de la part des chercheurs en sciences sociales et en santé au Canada.The fertility of registered Indian women in Canada aged 15 to 19 is very high, about 100 births per 1000 women. The fertility rates of Indian women in their teens are comparable to those of teen women in less developed countries. Analysis of fertility data at the provincial level shows major variations, with the high rates doubling the low rates. Despite the well known consequences of early motherhood for young mothers and their children, there is little interest among Canadian health and social science researchers in the fertility of adolescent Indian women

La mobilité ethnique intergénérationnelle des enfants de moins de cinq ans chez les populations autochtones, Canada, 1996 et 2001

Grâce aux données provenant des recensements canadiens de 1996 et 2001, nous avons étudié la mobilité ethnique intergénérationnelle (la transmission ou non de l’identité ethnique d’un parent à son enfant) chez les populations autochtones. Dans l’ensemble, les populations autochtones tirent profit de la mobilité ethnique intergénérationnelle au détriment de la population non autochtone. Un facteur déterminant de ce phénomène est le type d’union au sein duquel vit l’enfant : union endogame ou exogame. Alors que la mobilité ethnique intergénérationnelle est presque inexistante au sein des unions endogames, il en est tout autrement lorsqu’il est question d’unions exogames. Pour le cas particulier de l’exogamie autochtone — non autochtone, l’identité ethnique d’un enfant est, le plus souvent, une identité autochtone. Ainsi, l’exogamie entre Autochtones et non-Autochtones profite beaucoup plus aux effectifs des populations autochtones qu’à ceux de la population non autochtone.Using Canadian census data from 1996 and 2001, this paper studies intergenerational ethnic mobility (transmission or non-transmission of ethnic identity from parent to child) among Aboriginal populations. Overall, intergenerational ethnic mobility benefits Aboriginal over non-Aboriginal populations. A determining factor for this phenomenon is the type of union within which a child lives, whether this is endogamous or exogamous. Intergenerational ethnic mobility is almost non-existent in endogamous unions, quite the opposite of exogamous unions. In the particular case of Aboriginal — Non-Aboriginal exogamy, the ethnic identity of the child is usually Aboriginal. As such, Aboriginal — Non-Aboriginal exogamy contributes positively to the population size of Aboriginal populations than on those of non-Aboriginal populations

Les Autochtones du Canada : une population aux multiples définitions

Dans leur désir de faire des recherches et de rassembler de la documentation sur les questions sociales autochtones au Canada, les démographes et autres spécialistes de l’étude des populations, aussi bien autochtones que non autochtones, négligent souvent une question fondamentale : quelles définitions des populations autochtones utiliser ? L’appartenance autochtone n’étant ni permanente, ni transférée automatiquement de génération en génération, les principales définitions des peuples autochtones conduisent à des effectifs et des caractéristiques forts différents. Le présent article offre une vue d’ensemble de ces définitions ainsi que des effectifs de population correspondants et illustre l’effet du choix d’une définition sur l’analyse démographique.In their pursuit of research and documentation of Aboriginal Canadian social issues, demographers and other specialists, Aboriginals and non-Aboriginal alike, often overlook a fundamental question: what definitions of Aboriginal populations to use? Since Aboriginal identity is neither permanent nor automatically transferred from one generation to the next, the various definitions of Aboriginal peoples result in very different numbers and characteristics. This article offers an overview of these definitions, of the corresponding population figures, and of the effect of choice of definition on demographic analysis

Charting the Growth of Canada’s Aboriginal Populations: Problems, Options and Implications

Toward the end of the 20th century, the number of persons reporting Aboriginal ancestry in the Canadian Census increased in a rather dramatic manner. For example, in the 2001 Canadian Census, over 1.3 million Canadians reported an Aboriginal origin, which is an increase of about 20 percent over the previous census in 1996. Given that much confusion and inadequate information characterises public discussions of the demographics of Canada’s Aboriginal population, this paper will review the most fundamental data sources and definitions that have been used in documenting the characteristics of this population, as well as outline some of the most fundamental obstacles to be faced in enacting meaningful quantitative research in this context

Aboriginal Well-being in Four Countries: An Application of the UNDP’s Human Development Index to Aboriginal People in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States

An adaptation of the UNDP’s Human Development Index is used to compare the wellbeing of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal populations in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States between 1991 and 2001. Using Census education and income measures, and official estimates of life expectancy, we find that despite improvements in the overall well-being of Aboriginal populations, disparities between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people widened in some cases. Aboriginal people in most of these countries fell behind in educational attainment, compared to non-Aboriginal populations. Incomes improved over the entire period, but fell in most of these countries between 1991 and 1996. Overall, Aboriginal populations in Australia and New Zealand had lower scores than in Canada and the U.S. However, whereas the Maori scores improved considerably between 1991 and 2001, those of the Australian Aboriginal population did not. American Indians and Alaska natives had the highest overall development scores, and smallest gaps between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people were found in the U.S