Cumulative constraint interaction and the equalizer of OT and HG

We show that, in general, Optimality Theory (OT) grammars containing a restricted family of locally-conjoined constraints (Smolensky 2006) make the same typological predictions as corresponding Harmonic Grammar (HG) grammars. We provide an intuition for the generalization using a simple constrast and neutralization typology, as well as a formal proof. This demonstration adds structure to claims about the (non)equivalence of HG and OT with local conjunction (Legendre et al. 2006, Pater 2016) and provides a tool for understanding how different sets of constraints lead to the same typological predictions in HG and OT

Questioning to Resolve Transduction Problems

Elgot & Mezei (1965) show that non-deterministic regular functions (NDRFs) are compositions ρ ⚬ λ of two contradirectional subsequential functions (SSQs), where λ is unbounded lookahead for ρ. Such decompositions facilitate the identification of processes that require supra-SSQ expressivity. We use concepts adapted from decision theory to outline a set of necessary and sufficient properties for a composition ρ ⚬ λ to define a non-SSQ NDRF . These conditions define a set of functions between the IF-WDRFs (McCollum et al. 2018, Hao & Andersson 2019) and proper NDRFs, organized in terms of a precise notion of the degree of lookahead that λ provides for ρ

Phonological opacity as local optimization in Gradient Symbolic Computation

We present a novel approach to counterbleeding rule interactions in Yokuts (Californian) using Gradient Symbolic Computation (GSC). GSC, a dynamical systems model, optimizes two constraint sets: a set specifying a Harmonic Grammar (HG) and a set of quantization constraints preferring discrete symbolic states. During optimization, quantization strength gradually increases, increasing the relative harmony of discrete symbolic vs. intermediate blend states. The output of the system therefore reflects the dynamics of optimization, not simply grammatical harmony. With appropriate dynamics, relatively high harmony intermediate states can trap optimization near less globally harmonic but locally optimal symbolic candidates; this can model Yokuts counterbleeding

Exceptionality in Spanish Stress

Stress in vowel-final non-verbs in Spanish regularly falls on the penultimate syllable, while stress in consonant-final words regularly falls on the final syllable. There are two main classes of exceptions to this regularity: stress on the syllable preceding the regular one, and stress on the syllable following the regular one. Harris (1983) provides arguments that the second class of exceptions is morphologically systematic, but falls short of the stronger claim that this pattern is simply a subcase of the regular stress pattern. I argue here that there is much to be gained from this stronger claim, including a simple and elegant analysis of the first class of exceptions

Elsewhere Effects in Optimality Theory

My goal in this paper is to demonstrate how the basic logic of constraint ranking in Optimality Theory (OT; Prince & Smolensky 1993/2004) directly predicts the disjunctive application of processes in an 'elsewhere' relationship without the need for a separate principle like the Elsewhere Condition (the EC; Anderson 1969, 1974, Kiparsky 1973) and its attendant problems of formulation in the theory of ordered string-rewriting rules (SPE; Chomsky & Halle 1968). The various details of the empirically correct ormulation of the EC (Halle 1995, Halle & Idsardi 1997) that must be independently stipulated in SPE all fall out as a necessary consequence of constraint ranking logic in OT

Vowel harmony and stem identity

Affix vowels often alternate to agree with stem vowels in a pattern dubbed root-outward harmony. I propose that root-outward harmony is subject to a condition that a stem not be phonologically altered under affixation. This analysis accounts most parsimoniously for the core empirical generalization of root-outward harmony: that stem vowels never alter-nate to agree with affix vowels even if the only alternative is for stem and affix to dis-agree. Analyses in terms of underspecification and/or directionality capture this generali-zation less readily. I formalize the proposed analysis in terms of stem-affixed form faith-fulness in Optimality Theory and compare it with likely alternatives