ASEANs Search for Neutrality in the South China Sea

This article seeks to make a contribution to the existing literature on the South China Sea issue by focusing on the impact of regional institutions on conflict management and resolution as well as the limits these institutions face when seeking to de-escalate disputes. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has attempted to preserve its neutrality and unity over sovereignty disputes and has focused on the establishment of a conflict management mechanism with China-the Code of Conduct for the South China Sea. However, ASEANs efforts have been undermined by an escalation of the situation in the disputed waters and by rising China-U.S. competition in the region. The article concludes by discussing various scenarios regarding the future of ASEANs South China Sea policy

Democratization, National Identity, and Indonesia’s Foreign Policy

This chapter explores the existing connections between Indonesia’s process of democratization, its evolving national identity, and its foreign policy. It reviews how Indonesia has encouraged democratic values and respect for human rights in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and through other institutional means like the Bali Democracy Forum (BDF) and the Bali Process to counter human smuggling and trafficking. Yet, despite its initiatives and some accomplishments, insufficient leadership, resource limitations, and ongoing resistance from other Southeast Asian nations have restrained Indonesia’s ability to promote democracy and human rights in the region. Indonesia seems, therefore, unable, or unwilling, to move beyond the projection of its own democratization experience and to become an influential source of advocacy for domestic policy transition within the wider region

The role of the balance-of-power factor within regimes for co-operative security: A study of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF).

The central purpose of this dissertation is to study the role and relevance of the balance of power factor within regimes for cooperative security with special reference to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). The balance of power concept is systematically applied to an examination of their history and modalities. This thesis addresses one core question: to what extent may the balance of power, defined in political terms, play a part in such associative security arrangements and in the calculations of the participants? Attention is therefore given to the balance of power factor and its co-existence with an associative dimension part of cooperative security regimes. The dissertation assesses the role of the balance of power as a disposition to promote countervailing arrangements to deny hegemony within and beyond cooperative security even if devoid of direct military content. The establishment of ASEAN and the ARF are analysed within a balance of power perspective. Both institutions were formed with the denial of hegemony in mind but not in a conventional sense. In addition, the balance of power remained a factor in their later developments. Its ongoing relevance is examined by discussing Brunei's motives to join the Association, ASEAN's response to the Third Indochina Conflict, the workings of the Forum, and the Association's involvement in the South China Sea dispute

Vietnam and the Search for Security Leadership in ASEAN

Indonesia has traditionally been viewed as a de facto leader of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the regional body remains the cornerstone of Indonesian foreign policy. The paper addresses the question of whether other member states have become influential actors or even sectoral leaders in their own right by playing a direct role in a particular aspect of ASEAN affairs. This question is addressed by examining the regional policies of Vietnam, a country that has been mostly neglected in the existing ASEAN literature despite its strategic weight. The paper focuses on the evolving role of Vietnam in ASEAN and highlights its diplomatic initiatives, as well as various conditions to evaluate its potential to take up a leading security role in the regional body in the years to come

Peaceful Change in Southeast Asia: The Historical and Institutional Bases

During the 1960s and 1970s, Southeast Asia was referred to as the Balkans of Asia. The region has, however, gone through significant transformations and seen peaceful change since the end of the Cold War despite ongoing great-power interference, the rise of China as a military and economic power, and a series of territorial disputes including the South China Sea issue. This chapter explores the historical and institutional bases that have contributed to the process of peaceful change in Southeast Asia. It argues that peaceful change has evolved and been maintained by the Southeast Asian states by adopting strategies that combine the realist, liberalist, and constructivist approaches. The chapter concludes by discussing the changing nature of security challenges and how the region has been responding to these threats

East Asian Institutionalism: Where do we go now?

THE inaugural meeting of the East Asia Summit (EAS) is an important event for the region. As a new grouping of 16 members, the EAS is a distinct institutional expression that may complement the activities of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and the ASEAN+3 (APT). Besides its raison d’etre and its potential relevance in the coming years, the creation of a new regional arrangement forces us to reflect on the kind of institutional architecture being developed in East Asia today

US rebalancing strategy and the South China Sea disputes

The US rebalancing strategy, or “pivot” towards Asia, has added a new dimension to the South China Sea disputes. Given China’s reaction and the rising temperature in the region, is there any more room for discussion

Maritime Disputes in the South China Sea: Strategic and Diplomatic Status Quo

The Working Paper argues that the maritime disputes over the South China Sea are characterised by a strategic and diplomatic status quo. China does so far not have the necessary power projection to impose naval hegemony in the South China Sea. None of the ASEAN claimants can rely on sufficient naval power or an external military alliance to impose their claims in the Spratly Islands. A similar situation of status quo exists on the diplomatic front. China and the ASEAN countries have been negotiating for years to conclude a code of conduct for the South China Sea. The 2002 Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea is based on a multilateral dimension as well as on a convergence of views on the need to peacefully manage the dispute. While a step in the right direction, the declaration is only an interim political agreement and it is still to be seen whether the parties will sign a detailed and binding code of conduct for the South China Sea. The Working Paper starts by reviewing the nature of the maritime disputes. It then describes the security environment in the South China Sea by examining the changing strategic conditions of the disputes. Its final section discusses the long diplomatic road toward the 2002 Declaration. The Working Paper concludes that the South China Sea has remained primarily a political rather than a military issue thanks to China’s desire to accommodate the Southeast Asian countries and the limited naval capabilities available to the different claimants

ASEAN minus X: Should This Formula Be Extended?

ASEAN should enhance its ability to respond to challenges involving regional security. While preserving its practice of consensus, ASEAN should propose that the ‘ASEAN minus X’ formula, already agreed to and used on economic affairs, be extended to include specific security matters, notably, terrorism and preventive diplomacy