British Balance of Competence Reviews, Part I: ‘Competences about right, so far’. EPIN Working Paper No. 35, October 2013

The first in a series for a CEPS-EPIN project entitled “The British Question and the Search for a Fresh European Narrative” this paper is pegged on an ambitious ongoing exercise by the British government to review all the competences of the European Union. The intention is that this should provide a basis for informed debate before the referendum on the UK remaining in the EU or not, which is scheduled for 2017. This paper summarises the first six reviews, each of which runs to around 80 pages, covering foreign policy, development policy, taxation, the single market, food safety, and public health. The present authors then add their own assessments of these materials. While understandably giving due place to British interests, they are of general European relevance. The substantive conclusions of this first set of reviews are that the competences of the EU are judged by respondents to be ‘about right’ on the whole, which came as a surprise to eurosceptic MPs and the tabloid media. Our own view is that the reviews are objective and impressively researched, and these populist complaints are illustrating the huge gap between the views of informed stakeholders and general public opinion, and therefore also the hazard of subjecting the ‘in or out’ choice for decision by referendum. If the referendum is to endorse the UK’s continuing membership there will have to emerge some fresh popular narratives about the EU. The paper therefore concludes with some thoughts along these lines, both for the UK and the EU as a whole

100 Ideas for Upgrading the Association Agreements and DCFTAs with Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. CEPS Policy Insights No 2020-02 / February 2020

There are now many ideas in circulation to enhance the Association Agreements (AA), which include the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas (DCFTA), stimulated in part by the ‘Structured Consultation’ on the future of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) initiated by the Commission in 2019. All three AA states made detailed submissions; the present note seeks to incorporate these and other ideas into the makings of a possible initiative to upgrade the agreements and give them renewed and politically significant momentu

Eastern Partnership policy beyond 2020: advances and omissions in a vast agenda. CEPS Commentary 14 April 2020

The Joint Communication on the Eastern Partnership (EaP)1 published in March offers a broad array of policy orientations but relatively little operational specificity. This drafting is presumably intended to be acceptable to all six EaP states. The lack of reference to the joint request of the three states with Association Agreements (AAs) – Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine – to open a ‘quadrilogue’ with the EU to treat matters of common concern to them, and which are not relevant or plausible in relation to the other EaP states, is a glaring omission that could still be corrected at the EaP summit on 18 June. This summit should also agree on EaP policy beyond 2020, with the partner states, and include the many transnational issues worthy of quadrilateral consultations, such as how revisions of major EU policies (for instance, on energy, climate and competition) may affect the associated states

Carbon fluxes at the sediment-water interface of the deep-sea: Calcium carbonate preservation

The degradation of organic m atter at the seawater-sediment interface plays an important role in the pattern of calcium carbonate preservation in the deep sea. A model developed to quantify this effect shows that the amount of calcium carbonate dissolved by metabolic CO2 at the sediment-water interface is dependent upon the rain ratio of organic carbon and calcium carbonate, and the rates of organic matter degradation and calcite dissolution...

Chemical tracers of biological processes in shallow waters of North Pacific: Preformed nitrate distributions

Distributions of nitrate and Apparent Oxygen Utilization in the upper subtropical North Pacific Ocean reveal a layer with negative values of preformed nitrate. This layer occurs at depths just below the 1% light level and above the density of sigma theta 25.6. We show that large-scale spatial patterns in the distribution of this feature are determined by an interaction between light penetration and the depth of isopycnal surfaces which are ventilated in nutrient rich surface waters. Although the data alone are insufficient to distinguish between several possible causes, we believe the geographic and depth distributions of the negative preformed nitrate feature are most readily explained by respiration of nitrogen-poor dissolved organic matter (DOM) from the surface ocean with the possible accompaniment of nitrate uptake. Dissolved organic carbon gradients and transport calculations suggest that a significant fraction of the carbon flux out of the euphotic zone may be via DOM, indicating that the processes responsible for creating the negative preformed nitrate feature could alter the metabolite stoichiometry in upper subtropical Pacific Ocean

Sediment-water exchange in shallow water estuarine sediments

Pore water profiles in shallow estuarine sediments of Puget Sound show the characteristics of enhanced interstitial-water transport by animal activity. Using an in situ 3H experiment and dissolved silicate profiles we evaluate the transport parameter due to animal activity in the surface 20 cm of sediments to be 1–5 × 10–7 s–1 which is in the range of similar parameters determined in other nearshore environments in the U.S. The fluxes of alkalinity, ammonia and silicate across the sediment-water interface due to biological processes are greater than that by one-dimensional molecular diffusion. For the metals Fe, Mn, Cu, Ni and Cd the dominant transport mechanism depends upon the depth at which the metal is released to the pore waters. Probably the most important effect of biological activity on metal remobilization is the removal of sulfide from the pore waters, via ventilation of sediments with oxic overlying water, allowing the enrichment of dissolved metals which might otherwise be very low in concentration due to insoluble sulfide formation. The result is a greatly enhanced flux of metals to the bottom waters

British Balance of Competence Reviews, Part II: Again, a huge contradiction between the evidence and Eurosceptic populism. EPIN Paper No. 40, June 2014

This paper is the second in a series for a CEPS project entitled “The British Question and the Search for a Fresh European Narrative”. It is pegged on an ambitious exercise by the British government to review all the competences of the European Union on the basis of evidence submitted by independent stakeholders. In all, 32 sectoral policy reviews are being produced over the period 2013-2015, as input into public information and debate leading up to a referendum on whether the UK should remain in, or secede from, the EU, planned for 2017. This second set of reviews covers a broad range of EU policies (for the single market for goods, external trade, transport policy, environment, climate change, research, asylum, non-EU immigration, civil judicial cooperation, tourism, culture and sport). The findings confirm what emerged from the first set of reviews, namely that there is little or no case for repatriation of EU competences at the level they are defined in the treaties. This does not exclude that at a more detailed level there can be individual actions or laws that might be done better or not at all. However, that is the task of all the institutions to work at on a regular basis, and hardly a rationale for secession. For the UK in particular the EU has shown considerable flexibility in agreeing to special arrangements, such as in the case of the policies here reviewed of asylum, non-EU immigration and civil judicial cooperation. In other areas reviewed here, such as the single market for goods, external trade, transport, environment, climate change and research, there is a good fit between the EU’s policies and UK priorities, with the EU perceived by stakeholders as an ‘amplifier’ of British interests

Eastern Partnership policy beyond 2020: Advances and omissions in a vast agenda. CEPS Policy Contribution 14 Apr 2020.

With the bold title EasternPartnership policy beyond 2020: Reinforcing Resilience – an Eastern Partnershipthat delivers for all, the recent EU Joint Communication offers a broad array of policy orientations but little operational specificity, find the authors of this commentary. Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine – each with EU Association Agreements, requested a ‘quadrilogue’ with the EU to deal with matters of common concern to them but not the other EaP states. The fact that this request was not granted is a glaring omission from the Communication, but one that could still be corrected at the EaP summit on June 18th. The summit should also agree the policy direction of the EU and the Eastern partner states beyond 2020, and include the many transnational issues worthy of quadrilateral consultations. Among these issues is how the revision of major EU policies, such as those on energy, climate and competition, may affect the associated states

Balkan and Eastern European Comparisons: Building a New Momentum for the European integration of the Balkan and Eastern European associated states. CEPS Policy Contribution 25 Feb 2021.

The EU created the Eastern Partnership (EaP) over a decade ago, opening up new possibilities for growth and investment for the six partner countries: Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine, Belarus, Armenia and Azerbaijan. In 2014, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, known as the EU-associated Trio, signed association agreements (AAs), which since then have helped them to advance further with governance reforms. The AAs have provided for an ambitious and wide-ranging policy dialogue and cooperation with the EU, including deep and comprehensive free trade agreements that are the most advanced integration instruments of the EU to date. This courageous step by the EU has opened a new chapter in the relationship with our eastern neighbours, helping them to commit to comprehensive governance reforms as well as policy dialogue. The EU East Neighbourhood region has seen more than a decade of conflict – Russia at war with Georgia, then with Ukraine, its eastern territories occupied, and Crimea annexed. The EU and the wider global community responded by developing a comprehensive strategy to assist reforms in Ukraine but fell short of wider-reaching policy proposals for deeper integration with the EU. Nonetheless, the most advanced countries of the EaP have embarked on a path of difficult and painful policy reforms in such sensitive sectors as justice, budgets, land, pensions, state-owned enterprises, education and social policy. Despite both hidden and open wars with Russia and the continuous negative hybrid influences, illicit financial flows and corrupt practices inherited from Soviet times and coming from Putin’s regime, the EU-associated Trio has achieved a lot. The exemplary progress of these countries has brought more stability and prosperity to the region. Moreover, in the first five years of association, the Trio has been able to catch up with the countries of the Western Balkans, which already had an EU membership perspective as a result of the resolute EU policy launched in the region nearly ten years ago. Now, the EaP region is approaching a new wave of changes. Constant geopolitical shifts have culminated in the democratic changes we are observing in the eastern neighbourhood today. It is today that the EU must take the next brave geopolitical step. It is today, when the people in the EU’s eastern neighbourhood – in the middle of the European continent – are demanding change, democracy and respect for human rights, starting with events in Belarus and Russia. It is today that our policy has to grow in ambition if the EU wants to remain geopolitical for the next decade