Private Lives, Public Selves

What of the making public of a letter, what of the vocation of correspondent? Letters are a private genre, belonging in general, Kundera would say, to the domain of intimate life. When they go public some boundary is crossed, some violation is committed. Kundera\u27s position hints that the great Oliver Wendell Holmes was perhaps a bit of a monster, seeming in his private life to be very much the same man as he was in his public vocation, except for his romantic effulgency with Clare Castletown. Reading this occasionally twittery and school boyish prose in Professor G. Edward White\u27s article, I found myself alternately embarrassed on Holmes\u27s behalf and overjoyed that he could break out,however mildly, from the constraints of his tightly bound self.\u27 A second matter beckons for attention. When we-we scholars, we bibliophiles, we voyeuristic gazers on and into the lives of others-bring letters or a diary into the public domain, this entails a responsibility and presents an epistemological, if not an ethical, dilemma, depending on whether the correspondent intended the letters for destruction or preservation. We also confront a challenge of meaning or interpretation.Toward the end of his discussion of Holmes as correspondent, Professor White asks: Why did Holmes write so many letters, and how did he conceive of his role as a correspondent? What light can his conception of that role shed on his life as a whole? Can we better understand Holmes the judge, or Holmes the person, from examining his correspondence? White concludes that the correspondence is not a particularly good source of insight into [Holmes\u27s] life as a judge. Holmes rarely discussed in detail the cases on which he was working, gave few clues as to how he adjudicated, and even fewer juicy details on interactions among the Justices. For Holmes, correspondence was itself an object of desire, a cathected pleasure. Thus, correspondence took second place to judging in Holmes\u27s world, because desire ranked lower than duty

Framing the Narrative: Female Fighters, External Audience Attitudes, and Transnational Support for Armed Rebellions

Female combatants play a central role in rebel efforts to cultivate and disseminate positive narratives regarding the movement and its political goals. Yet, the effectiveness of such strategies in shaping audience attitudes or generating tangible benefits for the group remains unclear. We propose and test a theory regarding the channels through which female fighters advance rebel goals. We argue that female fighters positively influence audience attitudes toward rebel groups by strengthening observers’ beliefs about their legitimacy and their decision to use armed tactics. We further contend that these effects directly help them secure support from transnational non-state actors and indirectly promote state support. We assess our arguments by combining a novel survey experiment in two countries with analyses of new cross-national data on female combatants and information about transnational support for rebels. The empirical results support our arguments and demonstrate the impact of gender framing on rebel efforts to secure support

Rethinking the Future of the University

This distinguished collection of essays, edited under the direction of David Lyle Jeffrey and Dominic Manganiello, emerged from the discussions that surrounded the 1995-1996 McMartin Lectures. Dedicated to studying the relationship and contributions of historic Christian thought to the intellectual life of university disciplines, this series of lectures served as an occasion for scholars to rethink the present crisis in the relationship between the historic identity of the university and the development of the modern university....dubitando enim ad inquisitionem venimus; inquirendo veritatem percepimus

Política de interesses, política do desvelo: representação e "singularidade feminina" Politics of Interest, Politics of Care: Representation and "Women's Singularity"

O artigo discute diferentes estratégias de justificação da adoção de quotas eleitorais por sexo, com ênfase naquelas que reivindicam um estatuto moral diferenciado para as mulheres. Elas introduziriam um novo tipo de política, mais desinteressado e altruísta, reflexo do seu treinamento social como responsáveis pelo cuidado com os mais fracos (a começar pelas crianças). No entanto, essa "política do desvelo" ou "política maternal" termina por perpetuar a inserção subordinada das mulheres no mundo da política, na medida em que o cartão de ingresso é exatamente a negação da ação em defesa dos próprios interesses.<br>This article discusses different strategies for justifying the adoption of sex-based electoral quotas, emphasizing the type that claim a different moral status for women. The latter advocate introduction of a new type of politics, more unselfish and altruistic, which is supposed to reflect women's social training as those who are responsible for the care of those who are weaker (beginning with children). However, this "politics of care" or "maternal politics" ends up perpetuating the subordinate position of women in the world of politics, to the extent that the very grounds for their admission-their "entrance ticket", as it were-represents the negation of action in defense of women's own interests

Securitization of HIV/AIDS in context: gendered vulnerability in Burundi

In this article, it is argued that concerns about the impact of HIV/AIDS on national and international security do not adequately address the ways in which people, particularly women, are made vulnerable to HIV/AIDS in conflicts. In fact, policies inspired by the security framing of HIV/AIDS can engender new vulnerabilities in post-conflict contexts. The article analyses the ways in which gender relations create vulnerabilities for various groups when such relations are put under pressure during periods of conflict. Drawing on research conducted in Burundi, the article argues that postulated links between security and HIV/AIDS fail to take into account the vulnerability structures that exist in societies, the ways in which these are instrumentalized during conflict and in post-conflict contexts, and how they are also maintained and changed as a result of people's experiences during conflict

Intersectional global citizenship: gendered and racialized renderings

This article intervenes in the emerging field of global citizenship studies by following in the footsteps of critical studies of national citizenship, which have shown that the seemingly neutral features of citizenship are gendered and racialized. The notion of “global citizenship” has gained currency in recent years and while there is not yet a canonized account of global citizenship, it is possible to identify the main shared features of different global citizenship accounts. While the “global” of global citizenship could denote the universality of the concept in contrast to national citizenship, this promise of inclusivity is not fulfilled. This article provides an intersectional reading of global citizenship theories and examples. Dominant global citizenship accounts, I argue, contain exclusionary and marginalizing tendencies and are biased toward a certain type of global subject whose responsibility is based on benevolence. A more inclusive and radical account of global citizenship can be built by drawing on Iris Marion Young’s social connection model to rethink responsibility and by more firmly grounding it in an understanding of globalization as linked to historical and present structural inequalities