Science and Ideology in Economic, Political, and Social Thought

This paper has two sources: One is my own research in three broad areas: business cycles, economic measurement and social choice. In all of these fields I attempted to apply the basic precepts of the scientific method as it is understood in the natural sciences. I found that my effort at using natural science methods in economics was met with little understanding and often considerable hostility. I found economics to be driven less by common sense and empirical evidence, then by various ideologies that exhibited either a political or a methodological bias, or both. This brings me to the second source: Several books have appeared recently that describe in historical terms the ideological forces that have shaped either the direct areas in which I worked, or a broader background. These books taught me that the ideological forces in the social sciences are even stronger than I imagined on the basis of my own experiences. The scientific method is the antipode to ideology. I feel that the scientific work that I have done on specific, long standing and fundamental problems in economics and political science have given me additional insights into the destructive role of ideology beyond the history of thought orientation of the works I will be discussing

The Labour Party and the popular front movement in Britain in the 1930s

This thesis seeks to recount the history of the British popular front movement in the 1930s, especially its relationship to the Labour Party. The popular front tactic, involving the unity of all anti-fascists, was first proclaimed to the world by the French communists in 1934. In the following year the tactic was officially sanctioned at the seventh Congress of the Comintern, and from then until the signature of the Nazi-Soviet Pact in 1939 communist parties throughout the world sought the formation of popular fronts. In its British form the popular front has been neglected both by historians of the 1930s and of the Labour Party. The question why the movement should not figure prominently in the former case is easily understood. It came nowhere near to attracting the support of all anti-fascists, yet alone to overthrowing the National Government. Moreover, it was a confusing movement, and it involves analysing problematical questions. Nevertheless, the movement is of interest in the general context of the 1930s for it grew to attract considerable support, not least in the Labour Party. Indeed, the reason for the popular front's neglect in the context of the Labour Party is very difficult to comprehend. The Labour Party was by far the largest opposition party and official Labour hostility played the major part in dooming the movement as a serious challenger to the government. More importantly, the movement emphasised divisions and problems within the party which can be traced back in its history, especially to the events of 1931, and which by 1959 were posing a serious threat to the party's future. [Please see pdf. for full abstract

Nativists, racists and other nasty people?: understanding who populists are and what they really want

The rise of national populism continues to be a core theme in European politics, but have mainstream politicians and commentators still failed to grasp who populists are and what they want? Drawing on a new book, co-authored with Matthew Goodwin, Roger Eatwell argues that viewing populist movements as expressions of nativism or racism is highly problematic. There needs to be a greater understanding of the views of populist supporters, coupled with an open and frank debate about how immigration stands to influence European societies in the decades to come

Nacional-populismo: a revolta contra a democracia liberal

Neste estudo aprofundado, os autores discutem o que há por trás da ascensão do nacional-populismo no Ocidente, quem apoia esses movimentos (e por que) e como eles vão mudar a cara da política nos próximos anos. Em todo o Ocidente, há uma maré crescente de pessoas que se sentem excluídas, alienadas da política dominante e que se mostram cada vez mais hostis às minorias, aos imigrantes e à economia neoliberal. Muitos desses eleitores estão se voltando para movimentos nacional-populistas, que representam a ameaça mais séria ao sistema democrático liberal ocidental e seus valores desde a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Dos Estados Unidos à França, da Áustria ao Reino Unido, o desafio nacional-populista à política dominante está à nossa volta. Os nacional-populistas priorizam a cultura e os interesses da nação e prometem dar voz a essas pessoas que se sentem negligenciadas e desprezadas por elites distantes e corruptas. É uma ideologia enraizada em correntes duradouras e profundas e ganhando força há décadas, mudando o panorama da política. Há quem diga que esse é um derradeiro bravo raivoso de um eleitorado em vias de extinção. Seus líderes são fascistas e suas políticas, antidemocráticas; sua existência é um espetáculo paralelo à democracia liberal. Mas essa versão dos eventos, como mostram Roger Eatwell e Matthew Goodwin, não poderia estar mais longe da verdade