Measuring the indirect effect: Voter initiatives and legislative production in the American states

Accepted ManuscriptRecent research has identified important policy differences between voter initiative states and pure representative states despite a lack of enough observable voter initiative campaigns to explain the policy differences. This paper investigates the indirect effects of the voter initiative process on legislative production by estimating the number of bill enacted in the American states. The results indicate that legislators in voter initiative states enact more legislation as the difficulty in qualifying a voter initiative for the ballot decreases, as the legislature is less able to alter the effects of successful voter initiatives, and as the average number of voter initiatives that appear on the ballot increases. These results provide some statistical evidence of the indirect effect of the voter initiative and are consistent with the theory that policy differences in voter initiative states are the result of the indirect effect of the voter initiative process.Randolph, G.M. (2010). Measuring the indirect effect: Voter initiatives and legislative production in the American states. Public Finance Review, 38(6), 762-786

Functional Coupling of Ca2+ Channels to Ryanodine Receptors at Presynaptic Terminals: Amplification of Exocytosis and Plasticity

Ca2+-induced Ca2+ release (CICR) enhances a variety of cellular Ca2+ signaling and functions. How CICR affects impulse-evoked transmitter release is unknown. At frog motor nerve terminals, repetitive Ca2+ entries slowly prime and subsequently activate the mechanism of CICR via ryanodine receptors and asynchronous exocytosis of transmitters. Further Ca2+ entry inactivates the CICR mechanism and the absence of Ca2+ entry for >1 min results in its slow depriming. We now report here that the activation of this unique CICR markedly enhances impulse-evoked exocytosis of transmitter. The conditioning nerve stimulation (10–20 Hz, 2–10 min) that primes the CICR mechanism produced the marked enhancement of the amplitude and quantal content of end-plate potentials (EPPs) that decayed double exponentially with time constants of 1.85 and 10 min. The enhancement was blocked by inhibitors of ryanodine receptors and was accompanied by a slight prolongation of the peak times of EPP and the end-plate currents estimated from deconvolution of EPP. The conditioning nerve stimulation also enhanced single impulse- and tetanus-induced rises in intracellular Ca2+ in the terminals with little change in time course. There was no change in the rate of growth of the amplitudes of EPPs in a short train after the conditioning stimulation. On the other hand, the augmentation and potentiation of EPP were enhanced, and then decreased in parallel with changes in intraterminal Ca2+ during repetition of tetani. The results suggest that ryanodine receptors exist close to voltage-gated Ca2+ channels in the presynaptic terminals and amplify the impulse-evoked exocytosis and its plasticity via CICR after Ca2+-dependent priming

Financing Direct Democracy: Revisiting the Research on Campaign Spending and Citizen Initiatives

The conventional view in the direct democracy literature is that spending against a measure is more effective than spending in favor of a measure, but the empirical results underlying this conclusion have been questioned by recent research. We argue that the conventional finding is driven by the endogenous nature of campaign spending: initiative proponents spend more when their ballot measure is likely to fail. We address this endogeneity by using an instrumental variables approach to analyze a comprehensive dataset of ballot propositions in California from 1976 to 2004. We find that both support and opposition spending on citizen initiatives have strong, statistically significant, and countervailing effects. We confirm this finding by looking at time series data from early polling on a subset of these measures. Both analyses show that spending in favor of citizen initiatives substantially increases their chances of passage, just as opposition spending decreases this likelihood

Voting Technology, Vote-by-Mail, and Residual Votes in California, 1990-2010

This paper examines how the growth in vote-by-mail and changes in voting technologies led to changes in the residual vote rate in California from 1990 to 2010. We find that in California’s presidential elections, counties that abandoned punch cards in favor of optical scanning enjoyed a significant improvement in the residual vote rate. However, these findings do not always translate to other races. For instance, find that the InkaVote system in Los Angeles has been a mixed success, performing very well in presidential and gubernatorial races, fairly well for ballot propositions, and poorly in Senate races. We also conduct the first analysis of the effects of the rise of vote-by-mail on residual votes. Regardless of the race, increased use of the mails to cast ballots is robustly associated with a rise in the residual vote rate. The effect is so strong that the rise of voting by mail in California has mostly wiped out all the reductions in residual votes that were due to improved voting technologies since the early 1990s

Presidential preference primaries of 1972

honors thesisCollege of Social & Behavioral SciencePolitical ScienceThe major purpose of this examination is to evaluate the primaries of '72, in order to see how they function as a means of selecting a man for the Presidency. Since 1968, the election of convention delegates has taken an increasing number of forms as more states have opted for the primary. Delegates have been elected statewide, in congressional districts, or in a combination of the two ways. Their selection has been made by the voters either in conjunction with a Presidential preference primary or without one; and if there was such a poll, its results might or might not be binding on the delegates at the national convention. In a statewide primary, delegate seats might be alloted on a winner-take-all basis, as in California; or they might be allocated partly statewide and partly by congressional district, or they might be divided proportionately among the Presidential candidates according to their relative showing. The Presidential preference primary might include on the ballot all the serious candidates for the party nomination, or it might only include those candidates who choose to file in that state