What is 'Open'? An Economic Analysis of Open Institutions

By examining several different types of open institutions including open source software, open science, open square and (open) urban planning, this paper presents a general analysis of open institutional structure that is complementary to traditional proprietary mode. We argue that open institutions, in whatever forms, are essentially about decentralized production of a collective good (or “commons”) that relies on voluntary collaboration of highly variable human-related input. In addition to providing a general definition of open institutional structure, we submit there are two necessary conditions for open institutions. The first is the integration of consumers into production. The second condition is that the efficiency gain from “production” commons is the objective and the tragedy of anticommons becomes a serious problem. In this sense, open institutions represent a positive approach toward externality and uncertainty

The Voluntary City: Choice, Community and Civil Society*

This paper expands Chapter 1 of a recent book of the same title (The University of Michigan Press, 2002). The paper was prepared for "Regulating Place: The Role of Standards in Shaping The Future of Urban America", a Fall 2002 Colloquium at the Department of Urban Studies and Planning, City Design and Development, MIT. The authors would like to acknowledge David Yarden's skilled assistance editing this paper

Creating a "different citizen": the federal development of the Tennessee Valley, 1915-1960

This dissertation describes the process of cooperation and contestation by which residents, civic leaders, state officials, and federal politicians in the Tennessee Valley encouraged the economic development of their rapidly changing region. Beginning in 1916, when the Woodrow Wilson administration authorized construction of a hydroelectric dam and nitrate-producing plants at Muscle Shoals, Alabama, federal investment provided the means by which communities created (or attempted to create) prosperity by encouraging industrial development in a dying agricultural economy. The debates over Muscle Shoals led to the creation of the Tennessee Valley Authority, but federal officials found that Valley residents rejected broad-based social reorganization in favor of directed economic investment. During the "Gunbelt" defense boom of World War II, Valley leaders increased calls for development, especially at Huntsville, where the inconsistency of federal funds led community leaders to develop a modern, professional industrial recruitment campaign. In the Tennessee Valley, and across the South, the Sunbelt economy emerged as locals encouraged federal investment in order to bring development while rejecting and redirecting broader calls for social change. Historians have only recently begun to investigate the complicated process by which the southern economy modernized in the twentieth century, but none have provided an in-depth exploration of the long-term growth of one particular region, such as the Tennessee Valley. Drawing on local records, numerous Valley newspapers, and federal records, this dissertation traces the process by which Valley residents attempted to attract industries and businesses to the region. As such, this research provides insight into the birth of the modern southern economy. (Published By University of Alabama Libraries

Andrew jackson and the Indians, 1767-1815

Andrew Jackson's experience with the Indians was an ambivalent relationship. From his childhood along the South Carolina-North Carolina border through his two terms as president, he had extensive interaction with both friendly and enemy Indians. As a child in South Carolina, Jackson grew up around the peaceful Catawba Indians. During the American War for Independence he served as a scout alongside the Catawbas as members of his community fought the British and their Indian allies from the west, most notably the Cherokees. Serving in this capacity he learned the value of Indian alliances that he carried with him throughout his professional, military, and political career. Jackson came into direct contact with the Indians as he moved to Tennessee, as a young lawyer and businessman. In the western territory, various Indian tribes claimed the land the Whites were settling. Jackson learned to distinguish between the tribes that were recognized by the United States government as having legitimate claims to land and those that were not. Several tribes, particularly the Creeks and the Chickamaugas, a dissident faction of the Cherokees, frequently raided the White settlements in Tennessee, forcing Jackson to fight the Indians in defense of his community. He became an Indian fighter out of necessity and fought the enemy Indians while aligning with the friendly Chickasaws. During the Creek War and the War of 1812, Jackson applied his experience of using friendly Indian tribes to defeat the British and their Indian allies. He rewarded those who were loyal and punished those who joined Britain. He carried this experience to his post-war career as Indian agent, and later, as president, negotiating dozens of treaties with the Indians as he insisted upon removal as the best policy. In these treaties he exchanged federal territory west of the Mississippi River for Indian land in the east. Although he is most well-known for signing the Indian Removal Act, he promoted the rights of Indians at times as he allowed Indian citizenship, encouraged intermarriage between Whites and Indians, frequently had Indian leaders as guests in his home, and adopted an Indian child. He advocated for removal through the exchange of land in treaties to preserve tribal autonomy. (Published By University of Alabama Libraries