What Do Definites Do That Indefinites Definitely Don't?

This paper investigates how (in)definiteness in word order; more specifically, how it in the ordering of objects in the Mittelfeld of German double-object constructions. As a starting point I take what I'll call the Indefinite Puzzle

Unalternative Semantics

The paper introduces a new method of calculating focus alternatives without the use of F-markers or comparable devices. Relative metrical weights are directly mapped onto restrictions on what can be a focal target, i.e. what a given structure can be used to correct, answer, or contrast with. The results are virtually identical to those achieved e.g. in the system of Rooth (1992), but differ in some crucial aspects, which allows broader empirical coverage without additional mechanisms. Among these are a non-transderivational ban on overfocusing, a treatment of second occurrence focus, a new way of incorporating contrast to non-salient targets and a natural account of discontinuous foci. The paper closes with some outlooks on applications in non-Indo-European languages. Keywords: Focus, Alternative Semantics, Second Occurrence Focus, F-Marking, Overfocussin

Identity, Modality, and the Candidate Behind the Wall

No abstract

A Weak Theory of Strong Readings

No abstract

A Situation Semantics for Binding out of DP

No abstract

Negation and the functional sequence

There exists a general restriction on admissible functional sequences which prevents adjacent identical heads. We investigate a particular instantiation of this restriction in the domain of negation. Empirically, it manifests itself as a restriction the stacking of multiple negative morphemes. We propose a principled account of this restriction in terms of the general ban on immediately consecutive identical heads in the functional sequence on the one hand, and the presence of a Neg feature inside negative morphemes on the other hand. The account predicts that the stacking of multiple negative morphemes should be possible provided they are separated by intervening levels of structure. We show that this prediction is borne out