The 2017 Session of the Nevada Legislature and the Failure of Higher Education Reform

Executive Summary This report analyzes 11 bills introduced during the 79th Session of the Nevada Legislature that proposed to reorganize, reform, and realign various aspects of the state’s higher education system. The analysis reveals the following: Despite bipartisan support for higher education reform, nearly all of the reform bills failed, including two bills vetoed by Governor Brian Sandoval. The failure to enact meaningful reform stands in contrast to the implementation of bills appropriating more resources for higher education. Opposition to reform legislation was strongest among those most invested in legitimizing and perpetuating current arrangements. The report also considers the institutional and cultural factors that reinforce these outcomes. These factors include: The mismatch between legislative capacity and the demand for policy reform. The selective manner in which higher education officials engaged in the Legislature. Misconceptions about the components of the state’s land-grant institution and the Board of Regents’ constitutional carve out prohibiting legislative action. The report concludes with policy recommendations for the Nevada Legislature. Foremost among these are: The second passage of AJR 5, an override of the AB 407 veto, and reintroduction and passage of the failed reform bills. Separation of the governance of the two- and four-year colleges from the branches of the state university, reduction in the size of the Board of Regents, and reorganization of the administration of higher education. Developing separate funding formulas for the universities and the two- and four-year colleges, and adding funding weights for courses completed by first generation, minority, and Pell Grant eligible students. Creation of the Assembly and Senate Higher Education and Economic Development Committees to improve legislative oversight and coordination. Elevation of Great Basin College to a four-year institution and realignment of the two and four-year colleges’ service areas to facilitate regional economic integration

The 2018 Midterm Election: Nevada and the Nation Post-Election Analysis

Brookings Mountain West, in partnership with CSUN, was pleased to present part two of a two-part analysis on the 2018 Midterm elections. The 2018 Midterms included elections for all 435 members of the House of Representatives, including four seats in Nevada. In the U.S. Senate, 34 seats were up for election, including one seat in Nevada. Across the United States, 36 states elected governors, including the State of Nevada. The Democratic Party sought to flip a minimum of 24 seats to become the majority party in House and 2 seats to become the majority party in the Senate. Two Mountain West states, Nevada and Arizona, presented the best opportunity for the Democratic Party to flip seats in the U.S. Senate. Republicans looked to flip seats in 10 states that Donald Trump won in 2016. Panelists reacted to the policy issues and voting trends that resulted from the 2018 Midterm elections

Carbon accretion in unthinned and thinned young-growth forest stands of the Alaskan perhumid coastal temperate rainforest.

BACKGROUND: Accounting for carbon gains and losses in young-growth forests is a key part of carbon assessments. A common silvicultural practice in young forests is thinning to increase the growth rate of residual trees. However, the effect of thinning on total stand carbon stock in these stands is uncertain. In this study we used data from 284 long-term growth and yield plots to quantify the carbon stock in unthinned and thinned young growth conifer stands in the Alaskan coastal temperate rainforest. We estimated carbon stocks and carbon accretion rates for three thinning treatments (basal area removal of 47, 60, and 73 %) and a no-thin treatment across a range of productivity classes and ages. We also accounted for the carbon content in dead trees to quantify the influence of both thinning and natural mortality in unthinned stands. RESULTS: The total tree carbon stock in naturally-regenerating unthinned young-growth forests estimated as the asymptote of the accretion curve was 484 (±26) Mg C ha-1 for live and dead trees and 398 (±20) Mg C ha-1 for live trees only. The total tree carbon stock was reduced by 16, 26, and 39 % at stand age 40 y across the increasing range of basal area removal. Modeled linear carbon accretion rates of stands 40 years after treatment were not markedly different with increasing intensity of basal area removal from reference stand values of 4.45 Mg C ha-1 year-1to treatment stand values of 5.01, 4.83, and 4.68 Mg C ha-1 year-1 respectively. However, the carbon stock reduction in thinned stands compared to the stock of carbon in the unthinned plots was maintained over the entire 100 year period of observation. CONCLUSIONS: Thinning treatments in regenerating forest stands reduce forest carbon stocks, while carbon accretion rates recovered and were similar to unthinned stands. However, that the reduction of carbon stocks in thinned stands persisted for a century indicate that the unthinned treatment option is the optimal choice for short-term carbon sequestration. Other ecologically beneficial results of thinning may override the loss of carbon due to treatment. Our model estimates can be used to calculate regional carbon losses, alleviating uncertainty in calculating the carbon cost of the treatments

The End of the Democratic Blue Wall?

Heading into the 2016 presidential election, Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton had multiple paths to secure the 270 Electoral College votes needed to win the presidency. In contrast, Republican nominee Donald Trump’s path to the White House necessitated winning a number of large swing states and securing victories in states that had been reliably Democratic. Building from a prior Brookings Mountain West brief (Damore and Lang 2016), we consider how the Trump campaign, despite being vastly outspent, was able to use targeted online messages to activate “white identify politics”—long a staple of Republican politics in the South— in the non-metro areas of the upper Midwest. This messaging, coupled with Hillary Clinton’s unpopularity among white working class and rural voters in the region, interacted with the winner-take-all allocation of Electoral College votes to deliver the presidency for Trump. In the brief’s conclusion, we consider the implications that the 2016 election has for Electoral College politics moving forward

Beyond Density & Diversity: Understanding the Socio-Cultural Geography of Contemporary Presidential Elections

In the aftermath of the 2012 presidential election, a good deal of commentary held that President Obama’s reelection resulted from the country’s changing demography and his overwhelming support among nonwhite voters residing in the country’s urban spaces. Less discussed was the fact that Republican Mitt Romney also carried many urbanized states with ethnically and racially diverse populations and that President Obama would not have been reelected without securing the Electoral Votes of a number of rural states with large white populations. In this paper, we argue that the combination of educated populations and a socio-cultural construct we call northernness allow us to differentiate which urban and diverse states and which white and rural states are Democratic and Republican voting in contemporary presidential elections

Game Change: What Have We Learned? Pt. 1

Who We Are, What We Do, Where Are We Going Brookings Mountain West is a partnership between UNLV and the Washington, D.C.-based Brookings Institution. Goals and Objectives Create high-quality, independent, impactful programs, publications, and activities that address issues of critical importance to greater Las Vegas and the Intermountain West region. Serve as a platform to bring ideas and expertise together and facilitate local, metropolitan, and state discussions about the West’s future. Enhance local, regional, and state research and public policy discussions

The role of cyclooxygenase-1 and cyclooxygenase-2 in lipopolysaccharide and interleukin-1 stimulated enterocyte prostanoid formation.

Lipopolysaccharide is an inflammatory agent and interleukin-1 is a cytokine. Their pro-inflammatory effects may be mediated by prostanoids produced by inducible cyclooxygenase-2. The aim of this study was to determine the prostanoids produced by lipopolysaccharide and interleukin-1 stimulated enterocytes through the cyclooxygenase-1 and 2 pathways. Cultured enterocytes were stimulated with lipopolysaccharide or interleukin-1beta with and without cyclooxygenase inhibitors. Low concentrations of indomethacin and valerylsalicylic acid (VSA) were evaluated as cyclooxygenase-1 inhibitors and their effects compared with the effects of a specific cyclooxygenase-2 inhibitor, SC-58125. Prostaglandin E2, 6-keto prostaglandin F1alpha, prostaglandin D2 and leukotriene B4 levels were determined by radioimmunoassay. Immunoblot analysis using isoform-specific antibodies showed that the inducible cyclooxygenase enzyme (COX-2) was expressed by 4 h in LPS and IL-1beta treated cells while the constitutive COX-1 remained unaltered in its expression. Interleukin-1beta and lipopolysaccharide stimulated the formation of all prostanoids compared with untreated cells, but failed to stimulate leukotriene B4. Indomethacin at 20 microM concentration, and VSA inhibited lipopolysaccharide and interleukin 1beta stimulated prostaglandin E2, but not 6-keto prostaglandin F1alpha formation. SC-58125 inhibited lipopolysaccharide and interleukin-1beta stimulated 6-keto prostaglandin F1alpha but not prostaglandin E2 release. The specific cyclooxygenase-2 inhibitor also inhibited lipopolysaccharide produced prostaglandin D2 but not interleukin-1beta stimulated prostaglandin D2. While SC-58125 inhibited basal 6-keto prostaglandin-F1alpha formation it significantly increased basal prostaglandin E2 and prostaglandin D2 formation. As SC-58125 inhibited lipopolysaccharide and interleukin-1beta induced 6-keto prostaglandin F1alpha production but not prostaglandin E2 production, it suggests that these agents stimulate prostacyclin production through a cyclooxygenase-2 mediated mechanism and prostaglandin E2 production occurs through a cyclooxygenase-1 mediated mechanism. Prostaglandin D2 production appeared to be variably produced by cyclooxygenase-1 or cyclooxygenase-2, depending on the stimulus

How The Mountain West States Voted In 2016: A Post-Election Analysis of Trends, Demographics, and Politics in America’s New Swing Region

Brookings Mountain West and the Greenspun College of Urban Affairs hosted a panel of experts in state and regional politics and history to examine election returns and exit polling and provide a first-read of the 2016 election. The Mountain West is now one of the nation’s most contested political regions. Its population growth and ever-shifting demographics make the region harder to predict and most susceptible to political swings. Five states in the Southern Mountain West – Arizona, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, and Utah – now hold more electoral votes than all individual states except Texas and California. In our current political climate these 37 electoral votes can determine the majority in the U.S. Senate and the presidency of the United States

Congenital isolated right radial club hand

Congenital radial club hand (RCH) is an uncommon congenital anomaly characterized by various degrees of deficiency along the preaxial or radial side of the extremity. We present one such case of Type 4 congenital isolated RCH who presented to a tertiary care center in the Middle East

Rethinking Cooperative Extension in Southern Nevada

Cooperative Extension is a partnership funded by federal, state, and county governments that extends University of Nevada services to Nevadans. As the original branch of Nevada’s land-grant institution, the University of Nevada, Reno (UNR) has administered Cooperative Extension Service (CES) since the program’s inception over a century ago. However, as currently organized, CES has limited presence in Southern Nevada and it has not developed programming commensurate with Clark County’s tax contribution to the CES budget. We propose that CES in Southern Nevada be managed by the University of Nevada, Las Vegas (UNLV). As we show, UNLV is already the most connected and active non-profit organization in the region. The campus currently delivers a host of services and programs that are consistent with CES’s mission, despite receiving no direct funding to support these activities