21 research outputs found

    Introduction

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    The Indian National Congress Party after the dynasty

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    Rajiv Gandhi's violent death in May 1991 signalled the end of an entire era for the Congress Party: the long-lasting rule of the dynasty was over. Subsequent developments in the party have raised the question of change versus continuity. Has the end of the dynasty led to the birth of a new Congress, or will the dynastic party structures and organizational features continue into the post-Gandhi period? The argument that I will be advancing throughout the thesis is that structural continuity has characterized the organizational order of the party in its postdynastic period. The most obvious indicators of this continuity are that the party continues to be a deinstitutionalized, loosely structured coglomerate of political bosses with varying bases of support; the party remains paralyzed by factionalism at all levels, yet it escapes splits and schisms; and the Congress Prime Minister continues to be at the apex of the decision-making pyramid. The important question for political scientists to answer is why continuity has taken precedence over drastic change. I shall maintain that structural continuity in the party's organizational order has come about primarily as a result of environmental pressures exerted by the turbulence in the party system that was undergoing a fundamental transformation. The Indian party system changed from a predominant into a more competitive one in the late 1980s and early 1990s as the election results for 1989-91 period suggest. Under this environmental condition, it has been the requirement of organizational survival amidst external change that both necessitated and facilitated the continuation of the old order in the party.Arts, Faculty ofPolitical Science, Department ofGraduat

    Chapitre 5. La participation aux premiĂšres Ă©lections parlementaires europĂ©ennes dans les pays d’Europe de l’Est

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    En juin 2004, les citoyens d’une Union europĂ©enne rĂ©cemment Ă©largie se sont prĂ©sentĂ©s aux urnes afin d’élire leurs reprĂ©sentants au Parlement europĂ©en (PE). Ces Ă©lections furent d’une importance symbolique particuliĂšre pour les huit dĂ©mocraties issues du bloc communiste, car elles prĂ©sentaient une excellente occasion pour ces nouveaux entrants de dĂ©montrer leur engagement dans le processus d’intĂ©gration au sein de la communautĂ© politique et dĂ©mocratique europĂ©enne. ParallĂšlement, ces Ă©lection..

    When the Central Player Fails: Constraints on Cabinet Formation in Contemporary India

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    Keeping Parties Together? The Evolution of Israel’s Anti-Defection Law

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    In 1991, the Knesset passed a package of legislation with the aim of preventing the rampant party switching and defections by elected representatives. At the time of its adoption, the so-called anti-defection law was supported by an all-party consensus. Although the legislation has remained in effect, its apparent continuity conceals the way in which it has become transformed from what was at first an “efficient” institution to a “redistributive” one (Tsebelis 1990). In this paper, I review the development of the Israeli anti-defection law and argue that whereas at the initial moment of its adoption the anti-defection law was considered to benefit all parties in the system, over time it has become an instrument in the hands of the governing coalition to manipulate divisions and engineer further defections among the opposition in order to shore up its often fragile legislative base

    Party politics in a non-western democracy : a test of competing theories of party system change, government formation and government stability in India

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    The dissertation will address the ongoing debate in Comparative Politics about the virtues and pathologies of rational choice theory by testing competing hypotheses and predictions to account for three aspects of party politics in India: the transformation of the Indian political party system from a predominant to an even multiparty system; the politics of government formation; and the politics of government stability. Overall, the dissertation will pursue two arguments. First, rational choice models and predictions can account for the empirical cases more consistently than hypotheses and predictions derived from other paradigms. Second, by using India as the case on which to test competing theories, it will be shown that non-Western political phenomena are not sui generis and they may be accounted for in terms of comparative theory the same way as Western phenomena have been.Arts, Faculty ofPolitical Science, Department ofGraduat

    L'Europe qui se fait

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    EntitĂ© Ă  la fois rĂ©alisĂ©e et en devenir, l’Europe n’est pas issue d’un processus unique et linĂ©aire, mais la rĂ©sultante d’évolutions simultanĂ©es dont les enjeux, changeants, ne sont pas concordants a priori. Selon que l’on Ă©voque l’efficacitĂ© Ă©conomique ou le progrĂšs social, la politique internationale ou la dĂ©fense, la participation dĂ©mocratique, l’union sociale ou l’expression des identitĂ©s, le parcours complexe de la construction europĂ©enne s’éclaire diffĂ©remment. La mise en commun de ces points de vue divers, voire divergeants, est une façon efficace pour l’observateur de se rapprocher de la rĂ©alitĂ©. Et dans sa complexitĂ© mĂȘme, l’Union europĂ©enne est une rĂ©alitĂ© Ă©conomique, sociale, politique et culturelle du premier intĂ©rĂȘt, non seulement en soi, mais parce qu’elle condense une sĂ©rie de phĂ©nomĂšnes, de choix et de dĂ©fis qui s’imposent Ă©galement Ă  l’ensemble des pays dĂ©veloppĂ©s. Solidement rĂ©fĂ©rencĂ©, le prĂ©sent ouvrage est un point d’étape multidisciplinaire sur la construction europĂ©enne. Il rassemble les contributions de chercheurs canadiens et europĂ©ens qui soulignent Ă  leur maniĂšre le 50e anniversaire du TraitĂ© de Rome. Le lecteur, spĂ©cialiste ou non, trouvera ici un outil unique pour cerner les nouveaux contours d’un continent en mutation.Les journĂ©es d'Ă©tudes, tenues Ă  la Maison des sciences de l'homme les 16 et 17 octobre 2000, dont cet ouvrage est issu, associaient chercheurs, conservateurs de musĂ©es, responsables associatifs, institutionnels de diffĂ©rents ministĂšres (Culture, Anciens Combattants) et avaient pour but d'engager une rĂ©flexion sur la prĂ©sentation de l'Ă©vĂ©nement qu'a Ă©tĂ© la Seconde Guerre mondiale dans les musĂ©es et lors d'expositions, sur les stratĂ©gies mĂ©morielles Ă  l'Ɠuvre et sur les politiques des institutions. Une premiĂšre approche comparative avec les pratiques mises en Ɠuvre dans d'autres pays d'Europe a Ă©tĂ© esquissĂ©e : avec la Pologne, l'Allemagne, le Royaume-Uni et l'Italie. Elles ne manqueront pas d'entraĂźner de nouvelles questions et de futures rencontres. Ces journĂ©es d'Ă©tudes ont reçu le soutien du ministĂšre des Affaires Ă©trangĂšres, du secrĂ©tariat d'État aux Anciens Combattants, du conseil rĂ©gional d'Île-de-France, du LAIOS (UPR-CNRS), de l'universitĂ© de Paris 8
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