83 research outputs found
The Opinion-Policy Nexus in Europe and the Role of Political Institutions
A strong link between citizen preferences and public policy is one of the key goals and criteria of democratic governance. Yet, our knowledge about the extent to which public policies on specific issues are in line with citizen preferences in Europe is limited. This article reports on the first study of the link between public opinion and public policy that covers a large and diverse sample of concrete public policy issues in 31 European democracies. The findings demonstrate a strong positive relationship and a substantial degree of congruence between public opinion and the state of public policy. Also examined is whether political institutions, including electoral systems and the horizontal and vertical division of powers, influence the opinionâpolicy link. The evidence for such effects is very limited, which suggests that the same institutions might affect policy representation in countervailing ways through different mechanisms
Politieke kennis en effecten van nieuws
Welk nieuws doet ertoe en hoeveel nieuws doet ertoe, en in welke mate hangt dit af van de politieke kennis van de ontvanger? Dit artikel beschrijft een longitudinale studie naar de verkiezingsstrijd voor het Nederlandse parlement in 2006
Exposure Path Perceptions and Protective Actions in Biological Water Contamination Emergencies
This study extends the Protective Action Decision Model, developed to address disaster warning responses in the context of natural hazards, to âboil waterâ advisories. The study examined 110 Boston residentsâ and 203 Texas studentsâ expectations of getting sick through different exposure paths for contact with contaminated water. In addition, the study assessed respondentsâ actual implementation (for residents) or behavioral expectations (for students) of three different protective actions â bottled water, boiled water, and personally chlorinated water â as well as their demo-graphic characteristics and previous experience with water contamination. The results indicate that people distinguish among the exposure paths, but the differences are small (one-third to one-half of the response scale). Nonetheless, the perceived risk from the exposure paths helps to explain why people are expected to consume (or actually consumed) bottled water rather than boiled or personally chlorinated water. Overall, these results indicate that local authorities should take care to communicate the relative risks of different exposure paths and should expect that people will respond to a boil water order primarily by consuming bottled water. Thus, they should make special efforts to increase supplies of bottled water in their communities during water contamination emergencies
Foreign policy beliefs and support for Stephen Harper and the Conservative Party
Similar to other recent Canadian elections, foreign policy did not feature prominently in the 2011 federal election campaign. In fact, many doubt Canadian public opinion on international affairs is linked to the actions taken by recent Governments. In this paper, we examine Canadian public opinion toward a range of foreign policy issues and argue that the survey questions measure two latent dimensions âmilitarism and internationalism. Our survey evidence indicates the existence of an âissue publicâ which is prepared to endorse military action and is skeptical of human rights and overseas aid programs, and this group is far more supportive of Prime Minister Harper and the Conservative Party than other Canadians. The absence of an elite discussion, either among politicians or between media elites, about the direction of Canadian foreign policy does not prevent the Canadian voter from thinking coherently about questions pertaining to this issue domain and employing these beliefs to support or oppose political parties and their leaders
The globalisation divide in the public mind: belief systems on globalisation and their electoral consequences
The Usefulness of the Basic Question -Procedure for Determining Nonresponse Bias in Substantive Variables: A Test of Four Telephone Questionnaires
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