Les clivages sociaux en Europe autour de la construction politique européenne en 2005-2010: l’Europe des élites contre l’État-Nation des classes populaires?

The rejection of the European Constitution by French and Dutch voters in 2005 has brought about an unprecedented crisis for European integration, with strong risks of regression into nationalism and xenophobia. However, in a paradoxical way, that crisis has not prevented the building of a political Europe - even a federal Europe - because it has hampered intergovernmental negotiations more than the functioning of European institutions. Moreover, social polarisation means that Europhiles in the élites have been able to press for institutional solutions culminating in the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty, a landmark in the consolidation of the European Union

Les périphéries espagnoles après 1978: Catalyseurs de l’intégration européenne?

Since 1978 and the return to democracy, Spain’s three main peripheral spaces from a linguistic, cultural point of view (Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia) have been constantly trying to get more and more autonomy from the central Spanish state. As regiones históricas (“historical regions”), they claim more competences than those enjoyed by other comunidades autónomas. That is particularly spectacular in the case of the Basque Country and Catalonia. From that perspective, belonging to the European Union was long perceived as an essential element in order to act without the Spanish state’s permission in the field of public policies. Therefore it was seen as a clearly beneficial political commitment. At a time when identities often clash in new ways, it is necessary to wonder whether those Spanish peripheral spaces go on playing such a role of catalysts of European integration

Le discours identitaire d’extrême droite: révélateur d’une idéologie aux marges du paysage politique?

In his book Histoire de l’extrême droite en France (A history of the extreme right in France), the French historian Michel Winock shows how difficult it is to give a simple, accurate definition of the extreme right, which he presents as ‘a hard political tendency but a soft concept’. However, one of the characteristics which are common to most extreme right-wing parties is that they tend to inscribe their discourse on identity (not only from a political point of view but also from a cultural or even biological point of view) inside a marginal space and even a space of marginality, a domain for marginal personalities.We shall see that those organisations choose to place themselves deliberately into the margins of the political landscape and that they do it in both senses of the term: first because their discourses sound scandalous to democratic parties and secondly because those speeches often reflect their will to exclude themselves from the political game. Indeed, extreme right-wing theorists and politicians frequently refuse to exercise power because they consider that such an activity is almost inevitably tainted with compromise and corruption. So they prefer resorting to verbal – or even physical – violence in order to attract voters eager to protest against the supposed unfairness of the establishment. That is why extreme right-wing factions have to face a difficult situation in which they need to be marginal and scandalous to exist, but in which democratic, governmental parties can easily use their marginal character to turn them into political scarecrows and ensure their own dominance in an even surer way

Les dérapages europhobes dans le débat britannique sur la construction d’une Europe politique

How Europhobia gets out of hand in the British debate regarding the construction of a political Europe. British Europhobic ideology is different from simple Euroscepticism, through very clear-cut political and geostrategic positions, and by approximations and shortcuts which sometimes get out of hand. Europhobia is thus a complexe phenomenon in the United Kingdom, and its political exploitation is difficult, whether one is Eurosceptic or a Europhile. The rise of often anti-European populism on the continent relativises the importance of the British Europhobes, but for Tony Blair it is perhaps the indifference of the electorat which threatens his European leadership.L’idéologie europhobe britannique se distingue du simple euroscepticisme par des positions très tranchées en matière politique et géostratégique, et par des approximations et des raccourcis qui confinent parfois au dérapage. L’europhobie constitue ainsi un phénomène complexe au Royaume-Uni et, à ce titre, elle est malaisée à exploiter politiquement, que l’on se place du point de vue eurosceptique, ou du point de vue europhile. La montée des populismes souvent anti-européens sur le continent relativise l’importance des europhobes britanniques mais, pour Tony Blair, c’est peut-être l’indifférence de l’électorat qui menace ses projets de leadership européen et son image de Premier ministre le plus européen depuis Edward Heath.Cassagnau Olivier. Les dérapages europhobes dans le débat britannique sur la construction d’une Europe politique. In: Cahiers Charles V, n°41,2006. La Grande-Bretagne et l'Europe. Ambivalence et pragmatisme. pp. 105-120

Relation between structure and relaxations of poly(vinylidene fluoride)/epoxidized natural rubber blends

International audienc

Dynamic Mechanical and Dielectric properties of Poly(vinylidenefluoride) and Epoxidized Natural Rubber Blends

International audienc

High Impact Polystyrene/CNT nanocomposites: Application of volume segregation strategy and behavior under extensional deformation

International audienc

An original combined method for electrical conductivity measurement of polymer composites under extensional deformation

International audienc

Effect of barium titanate in thermoplastic elastomer based on poly(vinylidene fluoride) and epoxidized natural rubber blends

International audienc