Smoke and mirrors: how regional finances complicate Spanish-Catalan relations

This article examines the relationship between the form of fiscal decentralization in Spain and the rise in tensions between the Spanish and Catalan governments during the financial crisis, in particular from mid 2010 to mid 2013. As a profound budgetary crisis unfolded at regional government level in Spain, longstanding disputes over the regional financing system and its methods of redistribution among the seventeen autonomous communities escalated. Most notably, Catalonia, one of the most indebted regions, attributed its financial woes in part to over-redistribution. This is not a straightforward connection, but the lack of clarity regarding both the workings of the regional financing system and the causes of the regions’ varying levels of fiscal (in)compliance reduced accountability and fuelled disputes among central and regional governments, giving both sides scope to offer different interpretations. The smoke and mirrors regarding regional finances combined with the nature of intergovernmental dynamics in Spain contribute to explaining the persistent inability to resolve regional fiscal problems and agree a long-lasting reform of the regional financing system

Relying on Basque nationalists, but still in power:where next for Spain's 'weak' government?

Since being returned to power following elections last year, Mariano Rajoy’s Spanish government has had to rely on the support of smaller parties, such as Ciudadanos and the Basque Nationalist Party, to pass key legislation, including the 2017 national budget. Caroline Gray assesses what this fragile political situation has meant for the country, noting that while Rajoy has so far managed to gain the alliances needed to implement core policies, this has only been achievable by granting significant concessions to the Basque Country

Book review: The Oxford handbook of Spanish politics edited by Diego Muro and Ignacio Lago

The Oxford Handbook of Spanish Politics, comprising 41 chapters by renowned scholars and edited by Diego Muro and Ignacio Lago, makes a hugely valuable contribution to understandings of the country through its consistent analysis of contemporary Spanish politics and governance in a comparative European context, rather than in isolation. The veritable wealth of excellent material and analysis in the volume makes the handbook the most comprehensive and up-to-date account of Spanish politics available, writes Dr Caroline Gray

Nationalist politics and regional financing systems in the Basque Country and Catalonia

Across Europe, the 21st century has witnessed a rise in demands for political sovereignty from nationalist parties that had previously seemed reconciled to seeking greater devolution rather than full independence. Spain is a particularly interesting case where pro-sovereignty movements have gained traction in both the Basque and Catalan regions, yet with important differences in the objectives pursued. Both the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) and Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC), the traditional mainstream nationalist parties in each region, have sought a fundamental reconfiguration of their respective territories’ relationship with Spain at different times since the late 1990s. What explains the differences in the nature and timing of their shifts away from accommodationist politics within Spain and towards pro-sovereignty agendas? This study investigates the different regional financing systems in Spain as a significant factor influencing the evolution of the nationalist parties’ territorial strategies and behaviour. While Catalonia forms part of the common financing system (régimen común de financiación), which gives the regions relatively limited tax-raising competences and involves substantial revenue transfers from central government, the Basque region raises almost all of its own taxes under a separate system of extensive fiscal autonomy (the Concierto Económico or Economic Agreement). Spain thus offers the opportunity to compare two different models of fiscal decentralisation and their significance for the political evolution of two contrasting nationalist movements

A fiscal path to sovereignty? The Basque Economic Agreement and nationalist politics

Bilateral Spanish-Basque relations over the Basque model of near fiscal autonomy (Concierto Económico or Economic Agreement) have been characterized by more tension than harmony since the 1980s. The main source of discord lies in different conceptions of the model: while the Basque nationalists seek increasing fiscal autonomy verging on sovereignty within Europe, Spanish governments see it as a form of fiscal decentralization within Spain remaining subordinate to Spanish legislation. These different conceptions cannot easily co-exist in a loose relationship of mutual tolerance because the development of the model continues to bring them into conflict, feeding into the broader political clash over how best to accommodate the Basque region within or with Spain

A tale of changing destinies: Why the Catalans are pushing for independence rather than the Basques

While all eyes are currently on Catalonia, it was the Basque Country that first sought a degree of sovereignty from Spain over a decade ago, when then Basque President, Juan José Ibarretxe, proposed redefining the Basque relationship with Spain as one of ‘free association’. But why did Madrid’s refusal of Ibarretxe’s proposals result in a return to moderation, whereas deposed Catalan President Carles Puigdemont and his allies decided to defy Madrid and proceed with their plans? Caroline Gray explains the different responses

Inflammation in Mild Cognitive Impairment due to Parkinson’s disease, Lewy Body disease and Alzheimer’s disease

Background Abstract Inflammation appears to play a role in the progression of neurodegenerative diseases. However, little is known about inflammation during early stages of cognitive decline or whether this differs in different disease groups. We sought to investigate this by assessing the inflammatory profile in patients with Parkinson’s disease with the early stages of cognitive impairment (PD-MCI), patients with prodromal Alzheimer’s disease (MCI-AD), prodromal Lewy Body disease (MCI-LB) and controls. Methods We obtained venous blood samples from participants with PD-MCI (n = 44), PD-normal cognition (n = 112) MCI-LB (n = 38), MCI-AD (n = 21) and controls (n = 84). We measured 10 cytokines using Meso Scale Discovery V-Plex Plus including interferon-gamma, interleukin (IL)-10, IL-12p70, IL-13, IL-1beta, IL- 2, IL-4, IL-6, IL-8 and tumour necrosis factor alpha. High-sensitivity C–reactive protein was measured. Results There was a higher level of inflammation in patients with MCI-AD and MCI-LB compared with controls. PD non-cognitively impaired had higher inflammatory markers than controls but there was no difference between PD-MCI and controls. There was a decrease in inflammatory markers with increasing motor severity based on the Unified Parkinson’s Disease Rating Scale. Conclusions Inflammation may be involved in the onset of cognitive decline in patients with MCI-AD and MCI-LB but appears to be less prominent PD-MCI albeit in a small data set. This suggests that anti- inflammatory medications may have most benefit at the earliest stages of neurodegenerative diseases. For PD cases, this might be in advance of the development of MCI.The LewyPro work was funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Newcastle Biomedical Research Centre in Lewy Body Dementia based at Newcastle upon Tyne NHS Foundation Trust and Newcastle University and The Royal College of Psychiatrists Pathfinder Fellowship. ICICLE-PD was funded by Parkinson’s UK (J-0802, G-1507). The research was supported by the Lockhart Parkinson’s Disease Research Fund, the academy of Medical Sciences UK, the Rosetrees Trust, and the Stevenage Biosciences Catalyst, the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Newcastle Biomedical Research Unit based at Newcastle Upon Tyne Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust and Newcastle University and the NIHR Cambridge Biomedical Research Centre. CWG is supported by a Clinician Scientist Fellowship from the MRC

Home instruction for physically handicapped white children in Louisville, Kentucky 1939-1940 to 1943-1944, inclusive.

Eighty-four children have been enrolled in Home Instruction given by the Louisville Public Schools, during the past five years, 1939-1940 to 1943-1944, inclusive. Home Instruction is given only to those children who cannot attend school, due to various physical handicaps. The writer feels that it will be profitable to examine the data collected concerning the eighty-four pupils, not only for the guidance of those intimately concerned with the Louisville program, but also for the information of similar workers in other cities and of the large numbers of lay people whose chief interest is due to their feeling that the physically handicapped child is as such entitled to a public school education as is the normal child