Neuroticism and Extraversion Magnify Discrepancies Between Retrospective and Concurrent Affect Reports

This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Wiley via the DOI in this record.Objective: Although research often relies on retrospective affect self-reports, little is known about personality's role in retrospective reports and how these converge or deviate from affect reported in the moment. This micro-longitudinal study examines personality (Neuroticism, Extraversion) and emotional salience (peak and recent affect) associations with retrospective-momentary affect report discrepancies over different time frames. Method: Participants were 179 adults aged 20–78 (M = 48.7 years; 73.7% Caucasian/White) who each provided up to 60 concurrent affect reports over 10 days, then retrospectively reported overall intensity of each affective state after 1 day and again after 1–2 months. Results: Multilevel models revealed that individuals retrospectively overreported or underreported various affective states, exhibiting peak associations for high arousal positive and negative affect, recency associations for low arousal positive affect, and distinct personality profiles that strengthened over time. Individuals high in both Extraversion and Neuroticism exaggerated high arousal positive and negative affect and underreported low arousal positive affect, high Extraversion/low Neuroticism individuals exaggerated high arousal positive affect and underreported low arousal positive affect, and low Extraversion/high Neuroticism individuals exaggerated high and low arousal negative affect. Conclusions: This study is the first to identify arousal-specific retrospective affect report discrepancies over time and suggests retrospective reports also reflect personality differences in affective self-knowledge.National Institutes of HealthMichael Smith Foundation for Health ResearchSocial Sciences and Humanities Research Council of CanadaCanada Research Chairs Programm

By myself and liking it? Predictors of distinct types of solitude experiences in daily life

This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Wiley via the DOI in this record.Objective: Solitude is a ubiquitous experience, often confused with loneliness, yet sometimes sought out in daily life. This study aimed to identify distinct types of solitude experiences from everyday affect/thought patterns and to examine how and for whom solitude is experienced positively versus negatively. Method: One hundred community-dwelling adults aged 50–85 years (64% female; 56% East Asian, 36% European, 8% other/mixed heritage) and 50 students aged 18–28 years (92% female; 42% East Asian, 22% European, 36% other/mixed) each completed approximately 30 daily life assessments over 10 days on their current and desired social situation, thoughts, and affect. Results: Multilevel latent profile analysis identified two types of everyday solitude: one characterized by negative affect and effortful thought (negative solitude experiences) and one characterized by calm and the near absence of negative affect/effortful thought (positive solitude experiences). Individual differences in social self-efficacy and desire for solitude were associated with everyday positive solitude propensity; trait self-rumination and self-reflection were associated with everyday negative solitude propensity. Conclusions: This study provides a new framework for conceptualizing everyday solitude. It identifies specific affect/thought patterns that characterize distinct solitude experience clusters, and it links these clusters with well-established individual differences. We discuss key traits associated with thriving in solitude.Vancouver FoundationFaculty of Arts, University of British ColumbiaAlpha Mater Society, University of British ColumbiaMichael Smith FoundationSocial Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canad

Choosing Solitude: Age Differences in Situational and Affective Correlates of Solitude-Seeking in Midlife and Older Adulthood

This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Oxford University Press via the DOI in this record.Objectives Despite a basic need for social connection, individuals across the adult lifespan sometimes seek solitude—a phenomenon that is not well understood. This study examined situational and affective correlates of solitude-seeking and how they may differ between middle-aged and older adults. Method One hundred community-dwelling adults aged 50–85 years (64% female, 56% East Asian, 36% European, 8% other) completed approximately 30 electronic daily life assessments over 10 days regarding their current location, affect, activities, and current and desired social context. Results Solitude was common; 86% of solitude instances happened by individuals’ own choosing. When desiring solitude, older adults were more likely to be at home and less likely to be outdoors, compared to other locations. Middle-aged adults showed no such solitude-location associations. Among middle-aged adults, desire for solitude was associated with decreased positive affect. Older adults experienced no such dip in affect. Discussion Findings suggest that compared to middle-aged adults, older adults are more likely to go to locations that match their desired social context, and also that solitude-seeking has more positive ramifications for older adults. Findings are discussed in the context of age differences in activities, social preferences, and emotion regulation.Vancouver FoundationUniversity of British Columbia Faculty of ArtsMichael Smith FoundationSocial Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canad

Spousal neuroticism moderates everyday problem-wellbeing associations in older couples.

This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from American Psychological Association via the DOI in this record.Objective: Marriage partners exert a special influence on each other’s health and wellbeing, potentially even more so in old age, when social networks shrink and spouses become ever more important resources for dealing with everyday problems. This study extends past research by examining associations between spousal levels of neuroticism, a key trait tied to wellbeing and health, and everyday fluctuations in positive affect (PA) and negative affect (NA), physical symptoms, and responses to everyday problems. Methods: Forty-nine wives and 49 husbands aged 60–83 years (M marriage duration = 42.5 years) provided independent neuroticism self-reports. Spouses then simultaneously reported their PA and NA, physical health symptoms, and everyday problems 3 times daily for 9 days (up to 27 daily life assessments in total) using handheld computers. Results: Hierarchical linear models replicate past research by linking higher individual neuroticism with lower overall PA, higher overall NA, and more severe overall physical symptoms. Interestingly, although individual neuroticism did not affect associations between everyday problems and affect and physical symptoms, spousal neuroticism did moderate these relationships. Individuals with spouses higher in neuroticism (compared with those with spouses lower in neuroticism) reported less pronounced elevations in NA and physical symptoms, and less pronounced reductions in PA, when number of problems was greater, even when controlling for partner presence and various individual- and couple-level covariates. Conclusions: Findings are discussed in the context of evolutionary psychology and suggest that spousal neuroticism may serve adaptive functions by increasing vigilance and preparing older spouses to deal with everyday problems.NI