Spremembe diplomacije v XXI. stoletju

Diplomacija je eden najstarejših poklicev v zgodovini človeštva. Pogosto se poudarjajo primerljivosti nekdanjih in sedanjih funkcij diplomacije in neprimerljivosti nekdanjih in sedanjih sredstev diplomatskega občenja. Ali je temu res tako? Katere so tiste spremembe, ki so rezultat postopnega razvoja in katere spremembe so radikalne in so nastale zaradi revolucionarnih sprememb v človekovi družbi in v mednarodni skupnosti? Ali lahko iz trendov dosedanjega razvoja napovemo pričakovani razvoj v prihodnosti? Če že ne moremo predvideti radikalnih sprememb v prihodnosti, kaj lahko storimo za to, da ublažimo morebitne neprijetne posledice? Z odgovori na ta vprašanja se bomo srečali v prispevku. Še posebno skozi pojave deetatizacije, tehničnega napredka, vloge medijev in spremenjene socialne strukture.Diplomacy is one of the oldest professions in human history. Often issues are addressed as how comparable the functions of diplomacy are through history andhow incomparable are means of diplomatic communication. But is it really so? Which are the changes that come from the gradual development and which changes are radical and a result of revolutionary changes in human society andin the international community? May we foresee from development trends whatchanges may be expected in the future? If we cannot forecast radical changes in the future, what can we do to buffer possible negative consequences? Answers to these questions will be dealt with in the paper. Especially through the phenomenon of the erosion of the state, technical progress, the role of media and changed social structure

Poseganje v zasebnost javnih uslužbencev v zgodnjih ameriških sodnih odločbah

Članek obravnava pravico do zasebnosti in njene omejitve v sodni praksi v ZDA. Obravnava nastanek, načela, obseg in omejitve pravice do zasebnosti s posebnim ozirom na javne uslužbence. V primeru javnih uslužbencev je pravica množičnih medijev oz. javnosti do poseganja v zasebnost skoraj neomejena, delno pa je omejena, ko gre za vlado. V ozadju obrazložitev se kaže funkcionalni preskus pravice javnosti do informacij ter racionalnost in razumnost vlade pri poseganju v zasebnost. Kaže, da časovnih omejitev ni. Definicija javnega uslužbenca je dokaj široka in zajema praktično vse posameznike v javni službah oz. tiste, ki jih plačujejo davkoplačevalci. Manj so znane določene omejitve pravice do poseganja v zasebnost javnih uslužbencev. Vlada mora vedno imeti ozke, razumne in racionalne razloge za poseganje v zasebnost, natančno določene v zakonih. Zaščiteno je tudi nekaj, kar spominja na lastninsko pravico. Celo javni uslužbenci imajo pravico do zasebnosti, ko gre za uporabo posameznikovega imena brez njegovega soglasja zadobrodelne ali reklamne namene ali za kandidiranje. Poleg tega je zaščitena njihova pravica do zasebnosti tudi, kadar so ogrožene temeljne moralne vrednote. Ker se moralne vrednote v času spreminjajo, je vedno prepuščeno presoji sodišča, da v luči pomembne pravice javnosti do informacije določi obseg pravice do zasebnosti javnih uslužbencev.The article first investigates the origins of the right to privacy, its principles and scope as well as limitations, focusing on the issue of public officials. In the case of public officials the invasion of the right to privacy is virtually unlimited if exercised by the mass media (i.e. the public), yet is somewhat curtailed if exercised by the government. Underneath the reasoning seems to lie the functional test of the right of the public to know and the rationality and reasonableness of the government to prescribe. There seems to be no time limitation to this rule. As to the issue of who is a public official the definition seems to be rather broad and enshrines practically all individuals in public service, in other words those paid by the taxpayers. Less known are however certain limitations of the right to invade privacy of public officials. The government always has to have narrow, reasonable and rational grounds to invade privacy, well provided for by statutes. Protected seems to be also something that comes close to a property right or if basic moral values are jeopardised. However, moral standards change in time. It is always the wisdom of the courts to determine the scope of the right to privacy of public officials, weighing the issue with the paramount right of the public to be informed. The dicta and the holdings of US courts are certainly of relevance for European legislatures, especially in CEECs

Nekateri pre(po)misleki ob vstopanju v EU

Avtorja se sprašujeta, kakšen je odnos med politično odločitvijo za širitev Evropske unije (EU) in gospodarskimi interesi držav. Politična odločitev se sklicuje na enkratno zgodovinsko priložnost evropske združitve, proces pristopanja pa naj bi pomagal državam v prehodu pri vzpostavljanju tržnega gospodarstva, demokracije, pravne države in zaščite človekovih pravic. To dvojnost političnega in gospodarskega interesa avtorja analizirata glede na pogajanja o pristopu Slovenije k EU. Analizirata pogajalska poglavja, ki se zdijo najznačilnejša, o prostem pretoku kapitala, carinski uniji, prostem pretoku oseb, finančnih in proračunskih določbah, kmetijstvu ter regionalni politiki in koordinaciji strukturnih skladov. V vseh teh poglavjih je opaziti,da ekonomski interes prevladuje nad političnimi deklaracijami, s tem da so gospodarski interesi držav kandidatk in držav članic EU nasprotujoči. V pogajanjih ima EU, ki je združba držav, precej večjo pogajalsko moč in od držav kandidatk zahteva zadeve, ki jih ne izpolnjujejo niti države članice, včasih pa celo zadeve, ki niso del pravnega reda EU, so pa v korist državam članicam. Ali naj zaradi tega države kandidatke odstopijo od svojih ciljev postati polnopravne članice EU, se sprašujeta avtorja? Odgovor je negativen, toda države kandidatke bi se iz tega morale naučiti, kakšno politiko naj bi zagovarjale, ko bodo enkrat postale članice EU, saj je lahko od tega odvisna nadaljnja usoda integracije.The authors dwell on the issue of the relationship between the political decision to expand the European Union (EU) and the economic interest of the states. The political decision claims to be based upon the unique historical opportunity to unite Europe for the first time in history, and regards the accession process as a tool to help the candidate countries to achieve a functioning market economy, democracy, the rule of law and protection of humanrights. This dichotomy of a political and an economic interest is being analysed through negotiations between Slovenia and the EU in the accession process. Characteristic chapters of negotiation are analysed: on the free movement of capital, the customs union, the free movement of persons, financial and budgetary provisions, agriculture as well as regional politics and the coordination of structural funds. In all of these chapters one may notice that the economic interest dominates the political interest and that the economic interest of Member States and candidate countries are in conflictwith each other. The EU as an organisation of states has a superior bargaining power and sometimes poses demands that are not even met by Member States and even demands that are not a part of the acquis, but are in the economic interest of Member States. Should the candidate countries therefore revise their policies of becoming members of the EU? The authors are convincedto the contrary, but at the same time they believe that the candidatecountries should learn a lesson of what policies to advocate once they will become members as not to imperil the integration process in the future