769 research outputs found

    Nation Branding and Policy transfer: Insights from Norden. EL-CSID Working Paper Issue 2018/22 ‱ October 2018

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    Recent years have seen an interesting development in practices and policies of nation branding. Alongside an emphasis in which nation branding programmes seek to activate desires of conspicuous consumption in consumers, or to use branded messages to attract investment, there has also been a growing emphasis placed on policy transfer as a part of nation branding strategies. Thus, we see countries emphasising the possibility of exporting (amongst others) their educational, environmental, gender, criminological and even administrative policies, models and approaches. Instead of jealously guarding points of possible competitive advantage the message is instead apparently benevolent, a declaration that such countries may have something to offer that they are willing to share for the greater good. To date, this shift towards the incorporation of policy transfer within nation branding practices has received only limited analysis (e.g. Marsh and Fawcett 2011a; 2011b). Questions that arise, therefore, include: why are countries increasingly shifting their nation branding programmes in this direction? What do they seek to gain by engaging in such exports? And should we take the ostensibly beneficent nature of such practices at face value? The aim of this working paper is therefore to consider what the shift to policy transfer may tell us about the developing politics of nation branding, with particular focus placed on how policy transfer can be seen as a form of branded identity politics that arguably belies its apparently benevolent intentions by reaffirming hierarchical geopolitical imaginaries that remain premised on a politics of leveraging perceived competitive advantage. However, while the paper indicates why such a shift in nation branding strategies may be attractive, it also considers the potential pitfalls and limitations of such an approach. The working paper first discusses the shift towards nation branding through policy transfer at a general level, before ending with a discussion that draws on examples from Norden – the countries of which frequently populate the upper echelons of numerous nation branding and benchmarking indices, which have historically presented themselves as a model for export, and which, following an extended period of post-Cold War identity crisis and doubt, have more recently rediscovered a sense of self-confidence and self-identity, not least manifest in a resurrection of ideas of Nordic knowledge exports and policy transfer that re-instantiates more historical notions of Nordic exceptionalism

    Reassessing Putin's project : reflections on IR theory and the West

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    Putin's aim was not to isolate Russia from international society but to challenge the West's claim to define its norms

    From fratricide to security community : re-theorising difference in the constitution of Nordic peace

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    This article utilises a revisionist account of the emergence of Nordic peace in the 19th century to open up space for rethinking and re-theorising the constitutive dynamics underlying security communities. While the Nordic case is often considered a prime example of a security community the article argues it did not emerge in the way usually claimed. First, security did not figure as a key constitutive argument as assumed by traditional security community theorising; second, togetherness did not emerge because of difference being traded for enhanced similarity. In fact, security was side-lined and difference re-interpreted rather than erased in forging ontologically safe identities

    Nation branding and development : poverty panacea or business as usual?

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    According to nation branding consultants, problems of underdevelopment and global inequality are, to a significant extent, a product of the negative images peddled by charities and the broader development industry. While such images secure donations, it is argued they deter more sustainable investments. In contrast, consultants argue that concerted nation-branding strategies offer much better solutions to problems of underdevelopment. This article subjects such claims to critical examination and argues that while the diagnosis of the problem may have some merit, the solution offered is more problematic. This is because nation-branding practices are inherently status quo oriented and reflective of a neoliberal understanding of the nature of (under)development. Moreover, nation branding also entails a troubling commodification of identity and culture as well as unsettling implications in respect of extant understandings of ‘good governance’. Finally, the article suggests that the dichotomy drawn between aid and nation branding cannot be upheld; rather, it is a device used to legitimise a market for the services of nation-branding consultants

    Nation branding and policy transfer : insights from Norden

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    Recent years have seen an interesting development in practices and policies of nation branding. Alongside an emphasis in which nation branding programmes seek to activate desires of conspicuous consumption in consumers, or to use branded messages to attract investment, there has also been a growing emphasis placed on policy transfer as a part of nation branding strategies. To date, this shift towards the incorporation of policy transfer within nation branding practices had received only limited analysis. Questions that arise, therefore, include: why are countries increasingly shifting their nation branding programmes in this direction? What do they seek to gain by engaging in such exports? And should we take the ostensibly beneficent nature of such practices at face value? The aim of this working paper is therefore to consider what the shift to policy transfer may tell us about the developing politics of nation branding

    The construction and deconstruction of the EU’s neighbourhood

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    The chapter argues that the ENP has functioned as a mechanism of geopolitical ordering for how the EU approaches the areas immediately beyond its borders. It is, however, one premised on a particular mindscape or geospatial vision that infuses the ENP with an imperial impulse. Despite this, the chapter argues that the EU’s ability to order the neighbourhood is limited by the actions and preferences of partner countries and other neighbours whose constitutive capabilities should not be discounted. One consequence is that the geospatial construction of the neighbourhood and the construction of the EU more generally are mutually imbricated

    Ethics and ontological security

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    Geostrategies, geopolitics and ontological security in the eastern neighbourhood : the European Union and the 'New Cold War'

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    Recent years have seen the EU criticised for its naïve idealism, in particular in its failure to counter Russia’s increasingly assertive manoeuvres. While Russia is presented as an inherently geopolitical actor, the EU’s emphasis on a normative post-geopolitical agenda is depicted as a losing strategy. The EU, it is argued, must become ‘more geopolitical’ in what is presented as an emerging ‘new Cold War’. However, post-geopolitical depictions of the EU are problematic, but derive from an overly narrow conflation of geopolitics with modernist geopolitical practices. In contrast, the paper argues that the EU’s actions are no less impregnated with geopolitical visions aimed at ordering and organising the space beyond its borders, but also argues that the EU’s geopolitical visions – and the geostrategies adopted to implement them – are also underpinned by a need to preserve and protect the Union’s sense of ontological security. This connection between its geopolitical visions, geostrategies and sense of ontological security is important, as it means challenges to the former can generate considerable anxieties in regard to the latter; anxieties that need a response. The paper argues that the return of traditional geopolitical language can be understood in these terms, calming emerging anxieties by reaffirming a sense of order and stability in terms of an historically known set of coordinates. Although seductive, this move of (mis)recognising contemporary events in terms of historical analogy is also potentially problematic. Introduction Recently it has become common to depict the European Union (EU) as plagued by crisis, wracked by an apparent inability to respond effectively to a number of considerable challenges of both an internal and external nature. Internally the EU is plagued by economic woes, rising populism and a sense of democratic deficit that combined have weakened solidarity within the EU and fostered a certain amount of anti-EU sentiment. Externally the biggest challenge has come from a revanchist Russia emboldened enough to in 2014 annex Crimea and invade eastern Ukraine, in doing so precipitating a security crisis to which the EU struggled to respond (Toal 2017: 19; Youngs 2017: 5, 11). These challenges have material, organisational and political elements, but they are also profoundly ontological. They are ontological because according to EU self-narratives it should not be like this. The EU i
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