Global Economic Change, International Conflict and Cooperation

Research project for Fiscal Years 2003-04 and 2004-05The University Archives has determined that this item is of continuing value to OSU's history.This project covers the construction and testing of contending models of international cooperation, compliance, and conflict.Mershon Center for International Security Studiesproject summar

Global Economic Change, International Conflict and Cooperation

Research project funded in academic years 2005-06 and 2006-07The University Archives has determined that this item is of continuing value to OSU's history.In this project, Pollins sets out to make progress in international political economy theory building by: identifying both consistent and contradictory claims found in the field; testing these competing models using a common information base; and building and refining a new theoretical framework based on these tests. The concepts tested include: groups that include a dominant member or bloc are more likely to cooperate than groups that do not have such dominance; two nations with asymmetric resources are more likely to cooperate than two nations with symmetric resources; and states that plan far into the future are more likely to cooperate than those that discount future gains.Mershon Center for International Security StudiesProject summar

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization and U.S. Interests in Asia

Streaming video requires Flash Player, RealPlayer, or Windows Media Player to view.In 2005, a young, six-nation Inter-Governmental Organization that had heretofore received scant international attention called openly for the closure of all U.S. military bases in Central Asia as soon as possible. This not only complicated the war efforts of the U.S. in Afghanistan and Iraq, it stood athwart American plans to develop economic, diplomatic and military ties with former Soviet republics in Central Asia. This action as well as subsequent developments have led many in the U.S. diplomatic and military communities to view this organization – the Shanghai Cooperation Organization -– as the "Anti-NATO"; a Sino-Russian design to frustrate and defeat American interests, particularly in Asia. The work described here examines the origins and development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Its inner workings are interesting in how the large powers (Russia and China) use it to balance against one another, while the smaller members (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan) also use it to balance against their larger co-members. At the same time, all six members have used the SCO quite effectively to push forward common interests in suppressing terrorist/irredentist groups, drug traffic, and settling border disputes, some of which were long-standing. Political cooperation had enabled growth in commerce. And over the years, there has emerged a world view championed by the SCO called "The Shanghai Spirit" which we show stands in clear opposition to the IMF's Washington Consensus and George W. Bush's "Freedom Agenda." In the final analysis, the United States and its NATO allies should realize that they face both a potential rival and a potential partner in the SCO. Hard line, negative attitudes toward the SCO are guaranteed to be counterproductive. At the same time, there are key interests and objectives of China, Russia and the U.S. and its allies which are not in alignment and will need to be negotiated. The outcome as rival or partner will be determined as much by western diplomacy as by SCO identity.Ohio State University. Mershon Center for International Security StudiesEvent Web Page, streaming video, event photo

State Control and the Effects of Foreign Relations on Bilateral Trade

Do states use trade to reward and punish partners? WTO rules and the pressures of globalization restrict states’ capacity to manipulate trade policies, but we argue that governments can link political goals with economic outcomes using less direct avenues of influence over firm behavior. Where governments intervene in markets, politicization of trade is likely to occur. In this paper, we examine one important form of government control: state ownership of firms. Taking China and India as examples, we use bilateral trade data by firm ownership type, as well as measures of bilateral political relations based on diplomatic events and UN voting to estimate the effect of political relations on import and export flows. Our results support the hypothesis that imports controlled by state-owned enterprises (SOEs) exhibit stronger responsiveness to political relations than imports controlled by private enterprises. A more nuanced picture emerges for exports; while India’s exports through SOEs are more responsive to political tensions than its flows through private entities, the opposite is true for China. This research holds broader implications for how we should think about the relationship between political and economic relations going forward, especially as a number of countries with partially state-controlled economies gain strength in the global economy

Assessing the political and economic effects of protection against the Third World exports: working draft

Summary in GermanSIGLEAvailable from Bibliothek des Instituts fuer Weltwirtschaft, ZBW, Duesternbrook Weg 120, D-24105 Kiel C 142686 / FIZ - Fachinformationszzentrum Karlsruhe / TIB - Technische InformationsbibliothekDEGerman

The political and economic determinants of international trade flows in GLOBUS

SIGLEUuStB Koeln(38)-861100114 / FIZ - Fachinformationszzentrum Karlsruhe / TIB - Technische InformationsbibliothekDEGerman

Arms and archimedes. The newly industrializing countries in the spiraling global arms market

SIGLEUuStB Koeln(38)-861100135 / FIZ - Fachinformationszzentrum Karlsruhe / TIB - Technische InformationsbibliothekDEGerman