The impact on incentives of five years of social security reform in the UK

The UK’s Labour Government has expanded means-testing of social security but attempted to do so while minimising the disincentive effects typically associated with such an approach. We test whether it has succeeded by reviewing the effect of 5 years of reforms on a range of incentives across the British population, undertaking micro-simulations on survey data. The incentive to enter work increases for the first earner in families, but for second-earners in couples the incentive to work has generally been dulled. Effective marginal tax rates have generally increased for workers, in spite of reductions in benefit withdrawal rates, owing to the increasing numbers facing means-tested benefit withdrawal. Reforms have reduced the number of pensioners facing very high effective marginal rates, but increased the number on moderately high rates. Incentives regarding family life have been affected: partnering has become less financially attractive for low-income individuals; having children has become more financially attractive

Five years of social security reforms in the UK

The current Labour Government was elected in 1997 with few specific social security proposals. This paper argues that after five years, consistent trends in social security policy have emerged: there is a willingness to increase benefits; a “work-first” focus; increasing centrality for benefits that relate to ‘need’, which has involved expanded means-testing; a downgrading of contributory benefits; and, a desire to reduce poverty by redistributing to particular demographic groups. Many of these characteristics of Labour policy, such as the size of caseloads or aggregate expenditure, are yet to show up in various aggregate data, and we argue that this is probably due to various counter-balancing socio-economic changes since 1997. Looking forward, we discuss what the introduction of new forms of means-test might achieve. We also suggest that it might be considered odd that Labour has left Housing Benefit and Council Tax Benefit unreformed, especially since a good chance to reform them without significant cost or low-income losers, has been missed

Credit where it's due? An assessment of the new tax credits

In 2003: the government will introduce new tax credits to provide financial support for children and low-paid workers: the integrated child credit and the employment tax credit. The reform to support for children aims to unify existing payments in a way that provides a guaranteed stream of income for those with children, whether they are working or not. The credit for people in work will provide an income top-up for low earners - something that those without children have not benefited from before. The government has not announced the impact of the reforms on the public finances, but both will cost the exchequer money, so this Commentary considers the likely sums involved. We also examine whether the reforms look like fulfilling their stated aims: making work pay, relieving poverty and creating a new type of state support that is simpler and less intrusive for claimants

The government's child poverty target: how much progress has been made?

Before the 2001 election the Treasury said that `tax and benefit reforms announced in this Parliament will lift over 1.2 million children out of relative poverty'. But official figures released on 11 April show a smaller fall in child poverty, of only 0.5 million since 1996-97. This commentary attempts to explain the discrepancy. Using the data that lie behind the official Households Below Average Income publications, we analyse trend in child poverty, measured against various poverty lines, since 1979. We show how the government's choice of a relative poverty line is making its goal to abolish child poverty more difficult and more expensive. We also discuss how easy the government will find it to make further reductions in child poverty

Examining the Myth of Accountability, High-Stakes Testing, and the Achievement Gap

In this article we outline how notions of accountability and the achievement gap have relied upon the massive expansion of high-stakes exams in our nation’s schools. Texas-style test and punish accountability manifested in various ways within schools and school culture across the nation via NCLB, which undermined notions of trust within education. More than decade of national education policy focused on high-stakes testing and accountability—despite that the fact that the rise of high-stakes testing also involved considerable legal, ethical, and social considerations. We argue the practice of spending large amounts of time on test preparation and test taking must be reversed lest we continue on the path of maintaining schools solely as machinery for stratification. We conclude that market- and business-oriented ideology, has reinforced the racist under- and overtones of testocracy in the United States and has neither closed the achievement gap nor fomented meaningful accountability or success

Reflection high-energy electron diffraction analysis of polycrystalline films with grain size and orientation distributions

We report a computationally efficient algorithm to calculate reflection high-energy electron diffraction (RHEED) intensities from well-textured, small-grained polycrystalline films in the kinematic limit. We also show how the intensity maps of the spots in a RHEED pattern from such a film can be quantitatively analyzed to determine the film's average grain size, as well as its in-plane orientation and texture distributions. We find that the in-plane orientation and texture distribution widths of these films can be determined to within 1 degree and that the average lateral grain size can be measured to within a fraction of a nanometer after suitable calibration of our technique

Characterization of the Hepatotoxicity of Rifampicin and Isoniazid

In a mouse model, rifampicin and isoniazid combination treatment results in cholestatic liver injury that is associated with an increase of protoporphyrin ix (PPIX), the penultimate heme precursor. Excess PPIX is believed to bind to bile acids, precipitate in bile canaliculi, and form bile plugs leading to cholestasis fol owed by liver injury. Both ferrochelatase (FECH/Fech) and aminolevulinic acid synthase 1 (ALAS1/Alas1) are crucial enzymes in regulating heme biosynthesis. Isoniazid has recently been reported to up-regulate Alas1 but down-regulate Fech protein levels in mice; however the mechanism of isoniazid mediated heme synthesis disruption has remained unclear. Interestingly, metabolites of isoniazid, pyridoxal isonicotinoyl hydrazone (PIH, the isoniazid and vitamin B6 conjugate) and hydrazine, have been detected in the urine of humans treated with isoniazid previously. Here I show that in primary human hepatocytes and the human hepatocellular carcinoma cell line HepG2/C3A: (1) the physiochemical properties of PPIX may contribute to toxicity (2) isoniazid treatment results in an increase of ALAS1 but a decrease in FECH protein levels by Western blot analysis; (3) hydrazine treatment up-regulates ALAS1 protein and mRNA levels; (4) PIH treatment decreases FECH protein levels; (5) PIH is detected by mass spectrometry analysis following isoniazid treatment with a further increase when exogenous vitamin B6 analogues are co-administrated. In addition, the (6) PIH mediated down-regulation of human FECH is dependent on iron levels. Proteomics profiling analysis suggests that in the livers of hPXR mice (7) rifampicin may induce CYP450 changes associated with increased hydrazine reactivity with cellular proteins, (8) multiple [2Fe-2S]-containing proteins and (9) [Fe-S] assembly machinery proteins may be down-regulated in mice due to isoniazid. Together these data demonstrate that hydrazine up-regulates ALAS1 while PIH down-regulates FECH, suggesting that the metabolites of isoniazid mediate its disruption of heme biosynthesis

Factors that Contribute to Susceptibility of the Placebo/Nocebo Effect in Experimentally Induced Ischemic Arm Pain

Placebo’s (positive expectancies producing positive outcomes) and nocebo’s (negative expectancies producing negative outcomes) are real and measurable effects. Real as these effects may be, predicting individuals that may be susceptible to placebo/nocebo effects has been inconsistent. The present study examined whether measures designed to assess somatization (MSPQ), catastrophizing (PCS) and childhood trauma (CTQ) would predict placebo and nocebo membership. In addition, measures designed to assess anxiety (ASI) anxiety about pain (PASS) and depression (BDI) were evaluated to determine whether anxiety or depression mediates responsiveness. The Hargreaves Thermal Withdrawal test and the submaximal effort tourniquet technique were employed as pain vehicles for the measurement of group differences. No significant effects of planned analyses were observed. However, unplanned analyses of childhood trauma subscales indicated that physical and emotional abuse predicted placebo response. Additionally, emotional neglect trended toward predicting nocebo responsiveness. These results indicate that further studies, correcting for weaknesses, is warranted