UK policy co-ordination during the 1990-91 Intergovernmental Conference

Despite the importance of European Union negotiations, the majority of scholarly attention has not been directed towards the means by which policy is co-ordinated in Member States. This article addresses one aspect of this gap by focusing upon the structures which existed for UK policy-making during the 1990-91 IGC negotiations. Particular emphasis is attached to the key role of officials, who often proved crucial to the extraction of compromises at the European level, and the manner by which policy was constrained by the inability of the Prime Minister to dominate Cabinet

Swimming with the tide? Britain and the Maastricht Treaty negotiations on Common Foreign and Security Policy

Despite the importance of the Treaty on European Union, little attention has been paid to the manner in which the negotiations were conducted or to an analysis of particular topics. This article addresses one particular aspect by focusing on Britain’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy negotiations. It emphasises that, notwithstanding London being portrayed as an ‘awkward’ member of the European Union, it was neither awkward nor isolated in the course of the CFSP negotiations. Moreover, Britain eventually accepted a formula which went further than its pre-negotiating position. An important influence on this outcome was the Foreign and Commonwealth Office’s stranglehold on the dossier. Conservative MPs were also generally more concerned about symbolic issues, including Economic and Monetary Union, the Social Chapter and the proposed federal goal. Greater freedom was therefore possible for negotiators within the area of CFSP, where Britain formed an effective alliance with other Member States, most notably Italy

Question Time: Questionnaires and Maastricht

The file attached to this record is the authors final peer reviewed version. The final published version can be found by following the DOI link.One of the most significant questions facing researchers engaged in contemporary history is the use of sources. These might include archival, oral, visual, electronic or printed sources. The particular mix employed will depend on the topic covered and the amount of time and money available to conduct the work. This article reviews both the importance and limitation of questionnaires for examining contemporary history in light of the advice provided in methodological texts

Experimental demonstration of a light-ray-direction-flipping METATOY based on confocal lenticular arrays

We show, theoretically and experimentally, that a sheet formed by two confocal lenticular arrays can flip one component of the local light-ray direction. Ray-optically, such a sheet is equivalent to a Dove-prism sheet, an example of a METATOY (metamaterial for light rays), a structure that changes the direction of transmitted light rays in a way that cannot be performed perfectly wave-optically.Comment: 5 pages, 6 figure

Understanding the Major Governments

In recent years few British Prime Minister’s and Chancellor’s of the Exchequer have been treated so unfavourably as John Major and Norman Lamont. As Prime Minister, John Major’s ability to govern was hampered by deep-seated divisions within the Conservative Party, most notably on the issue of Europe. These splits climaxed in the decision to call a leadership election in the summer of 1995, which produced a majority (though by no means overwhelming) for Major. From then on his period in office was marred by the continuing presence of factions within the Conservative Party, which proved to be a significant reason behind the 1997 general election defeat. As Chancellor from 1990 to 1993, Norman Lamont played a central role in many of the policy decisions that proved unpalatable to the Conservative Party faithful and the British electorate, and from which he sought to distance himself when he returned to the backbenches. For much of this period he acted as a thorn in Major’s side, being critical of past and present policy. The primary aim of these actions was to place Lamont in a more favourable public position and to cast himself into a central role amongst those MPs who were disenchanted with government policy. It was therefore not unpredictable that the relationship between the Prime Minister and his former Chancellor soured during this period. The memoirs of both individuals consequently provide an overdue opportunity for them to answer their critics and to set the record straight. Until now, the ups and downs of the Major governments have been primarily limited to secondary accounts, of which Anthony Seldon’s biography of John Major has been widely regarded to provide the most balanced chronicle. The publication of the memoirs of Major and Lamont thus provide fresh and first hand information on the political affairs that dominated Britain for much of the 1990s. These two books are of great importance to the contemporary historian as they provide the first account from anyone centrally involved in the Major premiership. And although Lamont was no longer at the centre of office from 1993 onwards, he continued to exercise a degree of influence through his opinions from the backbenches. An examination of these two memoirs therefore not only provides an opportunity to analyse the views held by Lamont and Major when they were in office, and the extent to which they worked together, but also the degree to which their views differed on key policies

Teaching Politics in UK Universities: A Survey of the Profession

In recent years one of the most significant changes in UK Universities has been the increased use of virtual learning environments (VLE) as a method of supporting learning and teaching. This has in part been influenced by research which suggests that student learning experiences can be enhanced by the judicious use of new technologies, and partly by the possibilities that the technologies help academics and students operate effectively within a system of mass higher education such has developed in the UK. Despite the fact that Politics is a discipline that has traditionally been slow to embrace new technologies (in comparison with the physical sciences), there has nevertheless been considerable interest as to the manner in which Politics is taught, including the use of VLEs. Significantly, however, this interest has been based on case studies of developments within a particular university (Lee, 2003 and Lightfoot, 2004) and there is therefore an absence of a national picture. The present paper aims to remedy this situation by reporting on the results of a questionnaire that was undertaken in September 2004 on the use of VLEs in the teaching of Politics across the UK higher education sector

Permanent Representations to the European Union

The file attached to this record is the authors final peer reviewed version. The publishers final version can be found by following the DOI link.Despite the burgeoning literature devoted to the European Union, there has been little scholarly attention devoted to the role of EU Permanent Representations and the degree to which they act as a linkage between member states and EU institutions. This article consequently attempts to address this gap by focusing upon the structures, tasks and activities of Permanent Representations

Britain and the Working Time Regulations

It is now over a year since the Working Time Regulations entered force in Britain on 1 October 1998, during a period when the government also introduced the minimum wage. But whereas that piece of legislation appears to have faded away into the background of British industrial relations, the Working Time Regulations continue to remain a central topic, as evidenced by the press coverage given to the recent annual conference of the Trades Union Congress (TUC) in Brighton. Based on a survey of British companies and organisations, this article reviews the manner in which the legislation was implemented and examines the scope of coverage. It finds that the failure of the Labour government to consult the social partners - employer and employee representatives – resulted in business being unprepared for the Regulations. The article also notes that the manner in which this legislation was introduced has meant that many of the employees who were working excessive hours are continuing to do so

Adapting to Europe

One of the most noticeable features of recent studies of European integration has been the growth in the number of publications that have focused on the impact that membership of the European Union has had on its member states. One element of this has been the emergence of a significant body of work that has been concerned with domestic patterns of adjustment, thereby helping to address an important gap in the literature (Knill and Lehmkuhl, 1999: 1; Börzel and Risse, 2000: 1). In this sense, it is striking that the majority of the EU literature has tended to focus on developments at the European level rather than paying attention to developments at the domestic level and in particular the impact of European integration. And those studies which have sought to examine the nature of a member state’s relationship with the EU have principally charted the negotiating stance taken by government in a historical perspective. This is significantly different from offering an analytical review of the extent to which European integration has impacted on member states, for example on the activities of government. This is a point of which Claudio Radaelli is perfectly aware: ‘Europe matters, but how? The political systems of the European Union (EU) member states are penetrated by European policies, but what is the effect of this process? Is Europeanization making the member states more similar? Or do different domestic political structures “refract” Europeanization in different directions? Has “Europe” changed domestic political structure (for example, party systems and public administration) and public policy? If so, what are the mechanisms of change?’ (Radaelli, 2000: 1). This article is concerned with the impact that membership of the European Union has had on member states by examining four books that seek to cast light on the nature of the relationship between the domestic and the EU level. Any book that seeks to investigate the way in which membership of the EU has impacted on member states should be tested against a number of criteria: first, a common framework for analysis; second, is the book written in a manner that provides a coherent account or is it structured in a way that is more reflective of a collection of individual essays; and third, does the book enhance our knowledge of the subject area. In examining the various contributions that comprise these four books, this article is divided into five sections, the first of which looks at the changing character of EU membership. Section two sets these changes within the context of the emergent literature on Europeanization. The third section takes a closer look at the approach and focus deployed in each of the books, while section four examines the extent to which the material adds to our understanding of the relationship between the EU and its member states. The final section notes the overall value of the four books