Le GATT et les arrangements économiques régionaux : le rapport du Groupe de travail sur l’Accord de libre-échange entre le Canada et les États-Unis

Le lien entre le GATT et l'Accord de libre-échange entre le Canada et les États-Unis est si étroit que l'on a peine à imaginer que ce dernier ait pu soulever un quelconque débat au moment de son examen par le GATT. Or non seulement l'Accord de libre-échange a-t-il fait l'objet d'une enquête très sérieuse sur sa compatibilité avec le texte de l'Accord général, mais il a également fait l'objet d'observations pour le moins surprenantes sur la possibilité qu'il puisse faire obstacle au développement futur du système du GATT. À travers une analyse serrée du rapport du Groupe de travail sur l'Accord de libre-échange, l'auteur cherche ici à dégager une image claire de la place de cet arrangement, considéré comme le plus complet et le plus ambitieux en son genre, dans l'économie générale du système du GATT.The connection between the GATT and the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) is so close that it is hard to imagine that the latter could cause any debate when it came up for examination by the GATT. Yet not only did the FTA undergo a very serious enquiry regarding its compatibility with the General Agreement, it also raised some surprising observations on the possibility that it could somehow impede the future development of the GATT system. By performing a thorough analysis of the Task Force report on the Free Trade Agreement, the author seeks to establish a clearer perspective as to the proper place of this agreement, considered as the most complete and ambitious of its kind, in relation to the general organization of the GATT system

La Chine, le GATT et l'Organisation mondiale du commerce

Cet article fait le point sur les négociations engagées en 1986 à la suite de la demande de la RPC de reprendre le statut de Partie contractante au GATT. L'auteur relate le déroulement des deux phases de cette négociation, la première ayant été interrompue par les événements de 1989 en Chine, et la seconde ayant débuté en 1992 et paraissant devoir se poursuivre au-delà de 1996, dans le contexte modifié créé en 1995 par la mise en place de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC). L'auteur met en lumière les principaux objets de la négociation. Certains concernent la base sur laquelle doit être traitée la demande, notamment le mode d'accession à l'OMC et le statut de pays en voie de développement revendiqué par la Chine. D'autres concernent le fond de la demande, c'est-à-dire la compatibilité entre le régime économique et commercial de la Chine et les règles de l'OMC. Tout en soulignant le rôle central joué, dans le déroulement de la négociation, par les rapports politiques et économiques souvent tendus entre la Chine et les États- Unis, de même que la stratégie habile de la Chine dans ses rapports avec les pays développés, l'auteur attribue en dernière analyse la difficulté de la négociation à la confrontation de perceptions divergentes de ce que représente le système de l'OMC et des contraintes qu'il implique pour la gestion économique des États membres.This paper describes the current status of negotiations undertaken in 1986 following the PRC's application to resume its membership of the GATT as a Contracting Party. The author's account summarizes the progress made during the initial phase of discussions, discontinued following the events of June, 1989 in China, and since the resumption of talks in 1992 and the change of context due to the setting up of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995. The paper outlines the major issues brought up in the course of the negotiations. Some issues relate to the basis on which China's application should be dealt with, e.g. the procedure for acceding to WTO membership and China's claim to be treated as a developing country. Other issues raised by the application are substantive, and relate to the compatibility of China's economic and trade regime with WTO rules. The author, while acknowledging the crucial relevance of political and economic tensions between China and the US to the progress of negotiations, points to the very effective strategy pursued by the Chinese gouvernement in its dealings with developed countries. In the last analysis, however, he views the stop-and-go pattern followed by the discussions as basically and expression of divergent perceptions as to the significance of the WTO system and the constraints it puts on the economic policies of member states

Le concept d'union économique dans la Constitution canadienne : de l'intégration commerciale à l'intégration des facteurs de production

The object of this paper is to assess the constitutional position as to economic integration within Canada. Following a short review of'the basic elements of economic integration, it proceeds to analyse the law and practice relating to the free circulation of goods, and the free movement of persons, services and capital in Canada. Since such questions are usually associated with the concept of common market, a brief comparison is made on these various points with the practice of the European Economic Community. As far as concerns the free circulation of goods, the study starts with the usual distinction between tariff and non-tariff barriers. If customs duties have long since disappeared between the provinces, the author finds that charges having an effect equivalent to customs duties are not totally precluded under Canadian constitutional law, and as a matter of fact are occasionally encountered in practice. The paper also shows that if non-tariff barriers to interprovincial trade are theoretically precluded under s. 91(2) of the B.N.A. Act, certain types of obstacles not only appear constitutionally acceptable, but also are largely used by governments in practice, such as preferential purchasing policies, subsidies, public enterprises, etc. In the end, when our constitutional rules pertaining to the free circulation of goods are compared with those in application within the European Economic Community, they appear less stringent, leaving greater room for intervention to the provinces. The situation, as far as concerns the free movement of persons, services and capital is quite different. As the study finds, there are no clearly articulated principles relating to these questions in the Canadian constitution. However, due to the existence of a common nationality and a common currency, the most serious difficulties in this respect have been avoided. From that point of view, Canada has benefited from a clear advantage over the European Economic Community. Yet, regarding the free movement of persons and services, the paper shows that whereas no progress appears to have been made on that score within the last decade in Canada, the E.E.C. is pushing forward with plans calling for the common recognition of diplomas, etc. And regarding the free movement of capital, it appears that if the E.E.C has not progressed much since the first years of the Treaty of Rome, Canada for its part appears at the moment to be heading for a period of greater restriction on the movement of capital within the country. In conclusion, the question is raised whether the material division of jurisdiction between the federal and provincial governments, as opposed to a functional division of jurisdiction as is to be found in the E.E.C, is not responsible for the centripetal kind of federalism that appears more and more in demand in Canada as far as concerns economic matters. Acting unilaterally on the basis of its exclusive powers, the federal government has adopted so-called common policies that appear to have met with a large measure of disapproval from the various provinces. But this is a different problem that requires a separate treatment

L’économie québécoise face à la concurrence extérieure : les fondements scientifiques de la politique d’achat préférentiel du Québec

The literature on the decision-making process s of governments in the field of trade has developped in recent years a number of models that stress different aspects of the subject. One aspect, however, that has rarely been examined closely is the exact role played by studies in this decision-making process. How serious are they, scientifically speaking? How are they considered by governments? What is their impacts? Such questions remain largely unanswered. In this paper, an effort is made to shed some light on this aspect of the decision-making process, the chosen field of enquiry being the Quebec Government's procurement policy. After considering various studies directly related to the implementation of this policy, the conclusion is reached that in general they were not very thorough and had a rather limited role in the final decision to implement the policy. More fundamentally, one is left with the impression that scientific research, as a tool for reaching decision in the field of international trade, is seen by governments with some degree of suspicion