A mercadologia transatlântica de um vegetal psicoativo, o guaraná, entre remédio e alimento (1840-1921)

International audienc

O PAE Chico Mendes: um desenvolvimento sustentável entre agroextrativismo familiar e organização coletiva

International audienc

La foresterie analogue : une réponse aux enjeux de développement du 21ème siècle

La foresterie analogue est une méthode de sylviculture novatrice qui a pour objectif de restaurer les écosystèmes dégradés en combinant les savoirs traditionnels et scientifiques. Conceptualisée en Amérique durant les années 1970 et expérimentée au Sri Lanka durant les années 1980, cette approche est aujourd'hui mise en place dans une vingtaine de pays sur 3 continents. La foresterie analogue vise à imiter les fonctions écologiques et les structures architecturales des forêts matures afin de garantir un ratio de biomasse et de biodiversité maximal dans les forêts cultivées. Réel outil pour affronter les défis du 21 ème siècle, la foresterie analogue peut atténuer le changement climatique grâce à la séquestration photosynthétique du carbone, tout en augmentant les revenus des communautés locales grâce à la diversification des plantes cultivées

Géohistoire de la diffusion globale de la plante stévia (ka’a heê)

International audienceLa estévia, conocida como ka'a heê en idioma guaraní, es una planta originaria del Paraguay actual que se ha internacionalizado a lo largo del siglo XX. De recurso solamente conocido por los pueblos autóctonos de la cordillera de Amambay al final del siglo XIX, podría representar, después de la globalización rápida de su producción y de su consumo, un tercio del mercado mundial de los edulcorantes.¿Cuáles son dinámicas espaciales y temporales de la difusión de la planta? ¿Qué apuestas económicas, regulatorias y patrimoniales implican? Veremos que si las dinámicas espaciales de difusión están similares a las de otras plantas americanas, es la escala temporal muy rápida que caracteriza la globalización de la estévia. Al mismo tiempo, la planta es objeto de una intensa competición comercial que tiende a formar oligopolios económicos, que influyen las regulaciones de los diferentes mercados de la estévia. Una vez más, el Paraguay, proveedor original del recurso, parece perder el juego de la difusión global del ka'a heê.La stévia, connue sous le nom de ka'a heê en langue guarani, est une plante originaire de l'actuel Paraguay qui s'est internationalisée tout au long du XXème siècle. D'une ressource uniquement connue par les populations autochtones de la cordillère d'Amambay à la fin du XIXème siècle, elle pourrait représenter, après la rapide globalisation de sa production et de sa consommation, un tiers du marché mondial des édulcorants. Quelles sont les dynamiques spatiales et temporelles de diffusion de la plante ? Quels enjeux économiques, réglementaires et patrimoniaux les sous-tendent? Nous verrons que si les dynamiques spatiales de sa diffusion sont similaires à celles d'autres plantes américaines, c'est l'échelle de temps très rapide qui caractérise la globalisation de la stévia. Parallèlement, une concurrence commerciale intense tend à former des oligopoles économiques, et influence les réglementations des différents marchés de la stévia. Une fois de plus, le Paraguay, pourvoyeur original de la ressource, semble perdre le jeu de la diffusion globale du ka'a heê

La mercatique transatlantique d’un végétal psychoactif : le guaraná entre remède et aliment (1840-1921)

Guaraná, (Paullinia cupana Humbodlt Bonpland Kunth var. sorbilis [Mart.] Ducke) is a psychoactive plant that is considered a physical and intellectual energizer. Global plant since the end of the 20th century, it is one of the few Amazonian crops that has become a typical Brazilian industry. During this article we will study the transatlantic commodity chains of the guaraná between its first productions diffusions from 1840 on until the invention of the first guaraná-based modern drink in Brazil. During this period the plant became the object of a strong scientific interest on the other side of the Atlantic, especially in France and Germany, with the identification of its active molecule, the guaranine. Once isolated this alkaloid was largely distributed as a remedy thanks to the support of numerous scientists and merchants in the European drugstore network. At the same time in Brazil, the production and consumption of the plant mixed and increased within the population. All along these marketing roundtrips between Brazil and France, guaraná transformed its status from remedy to food

The making of global crops : a geography of the globalization of the New World plants and particularly from the Amazon rainforest

Loin d’être une région sous-peuplée, sauvage ou vierge, l’Amazonie apparaît au contraire comme le centre d’origine de la domestication de certaines plantes majeures de l’humanité. Ainsi tabac, cacao, coca et caoutchouc ; piments, patates douces, ananas et manioc sont toutes originaires de la plus grande forêt tropicale humide du monde. Or aujourd’hui, le paradigme de la biodiversité propose de partager de manière équitable les bénéfices tirés de l’usage des végétaux avec les populations autochtones qui les ont découvert. Cet objectif implique de poser la question suivante : comment devient-on une plante globale ? Autrement dit comment des plantes, à l’origine produites et consommées à une échelle locale ou régionale, deviennent des marchandises échangées et parfois financiarisées sur des échelles planétaires ? En nous appuyant sur une expérience de terrain multisituée de plusieurs années en Amazonie et grâce à la méthode d’analyse des filières marchandes globales (global commodity chains), nous chercherons, depuis le point de vue sociospatial de la géographie humaine, à comprendre les mécanismes de mondialisation des plantes amazoniennes. Pour cela notre première partie proposera un modèle théorique. Afin d’en tester la pertinence nous l’appliquerons, au cours des seconde et troisième parties, aux cas contemporains de deux plantes en voie de mondialisation : la noix d’Amazonie (Bertholletia excelsa), particulièrement au Brésil, et le guaraná (Paullinia cupana Sorbilis), particulièrement autour des Indiens Sateré Mawé.Far from being an under-populated, wild or pristine region, the Amazon rainforest appears on the contrary to be the domestication center of origin of some of the most important plants of humanity. Therefore tobacco, cocoa, coca, rubber ; peppers, sweet potatoes, pineapples and cassava all originate from the largest tropical rainforest of the world. Nevertheless today, the biodiversity paradigm proposes to share in a fair way the benefits issued from the use of the crops with the indigenous people who discovered them. This aim implies to ask the following question: how does a plant become global? In other terms, how do some crops, originally produced and consumed at local or regional scales, become commodities exchanged and sometimes financiarized through planetary scales? Based on a several years multi-located fieldwork experience in the Amazon basin and thanks to the method of the global commodity chains analysis, we will try, from the human geography socio-spatial perspective, to understand the mechanisms of globalization of the Amazonian crops. Our first chapter will be dedicated to the construction of a theoretical model. In order to test its accuracy we will apply it, in the second and third chapters, to two contemporary crops in their way of globalization: the Amazonian nut (Bertholletia excelsa), particularly in Brazil, and the guaraná (Paullinia cupana Sorbilis), particularly around the Sateré Mawé indigenous people

L’écotourisme Vinte Quilos et le Projet intégré d’ethno-développement Waraná en Amazonie centrale brésilienne

Vinte Quilos is an ecotouristic site established at the beginning of the 2000 as a showcase of the Waraná Project by Sateré Mawé indigenous leaders in the Central Amazon rainforest of Brazil. The Waraná Project is an alternative commerce of the waraná plant, internationally known as guaraná. The Waraná Project is part of the global fair trade movement and its ecotouristic showcase, Vinte Quilos, is part of the fair and solidarity tourism movement. During this article we will present the Vinte Quilos ecotouristic site and how the Waraná Project is related to it

La fabrique des plantes globales : une géographie de la mondialisation des végétaux du Nouveau Monde et particulièrement de l’Amazonie

Far from being an under-populated, wild or pristine region, the Amazon rainforest appears on the contrary to be the domestication center of origin of some of the most important plants of humanity. Therefore tobacco, cocoa, coca, rubber ; peppers, sweet potatoes, pineapples and cassava all originate from the largest tropical rainforest of the world. Nevertheless today, the biodiversity paradigm proposes to share in a fair way the benefits issued from the use of the crops with the indigenous people who discovered them. This aim implies to ask the following question: how does a plant become global? In other terms, how do some crops, originally produced and consumed at local or regional scales, become commodities exchanged and sometimes financiarized through planetary scales? Based on a several years multi-located fieldwork experience in the Amazon basin and thanks to the method of the global commodity chains analysis, we will try, from the human geography socio-spatial perspective, to understand the mechanisms of globalization of the Amazonian crops. Our first chapter will be dedicated to the construction of a theoretical model. In order to test its accuracy we will apply it, in the second and third chapters, to two contemporary crops in their way of globalization: the Amazonian nut (Bertholletia excelsa), particularly in Brazil, and the guaraná (Paullinia cupana Sorbilis), particularly around the Sateré Mawé indigenous people.Loin d’être une région sous-peuplée, sauvage ou vierge, l’Amazonie apparaît au contraire comme le centre d’origine de la domestication de certaines plantes majeures de l’humanité. Ainsi tabac, cacao, coca et caoutchouc ; piments, patates douces, ananas et manioc sont toutes originaires de la plus grande forêt tropicale humide du monde. Or aujourd’hui, le paradigme de la biodiversité propose de partager de manière équitable les bénéfices tirés de l’usage des végétaux avec les populations autochtones qui les ont découvert. Cet objectif implique de poser la question suivante : comment devient-on une plante globale ? Autrement dit comment des plantes, à l’origine produites et consommées à une échelle locale ou régionale, deviennent des marchandises échangées et parfois financiarisées sur des échelles planétaires ? En nous appuyant sur une expérience de terrain multisituée de plusieurs années en Amazonie et grâce à la méthode d’analyse des filières marchandes globales (global commodity chains), nous chercherons, depuis le point de vue sociospatial de la géographie humaine, à comprendre les mécanismes de mondialisation des plantes amazoniennes. Pour cela notre première partie proposera un modèle théorique. Afin d’en tester la pertinence nous l’appliquerons, au cours des seconde et troisième parties, aux cas contemporains de deux plantes en voie de mondialisation : la noix d’Amazonie (Bertholletia excelsa), particulièrement au Brésil, et le guaraná (Paullinia cupana Sorbilis), particulièrement autour des Indiens Sateré Mawé

La mercatique transatlantique d’un végétal psychoactif : le guaraná entre remède et aliment (1840-1921)

Guaraná, (Paullinia cupana Humbodlt Bonpland Kunth var. sorbilis [Mart.] Ducke) is a psychoactive plant that is considered a physical and intellectual energizer. Global plant since the end of the 20th century, it is one of the few Amazonian crops that has become a typical Brazilian industry. During this article we will study the transatlantic commodity chains of the guaraná between its first productions diffusions from 1840 on until the invention of the first guaraná-based modern drink in Brazil. During this period the plant became the object of a strong scientific interest on the other side of the Atlantic, especially in France and Germany, with the identification of its active molecule, the guaranine. Once isolated this alkaloid was largely distributed as a remedy thanks to the support of numerous scientists and merchants in the European drugstore network. At the same time in Brazil, the production and consumption of the plant mixed and increased within the population. All along these marketing roundtrips between Brazil and France, guaraná transformed its status from remedy to food

Exploring the boundaries between individual and collective land use management in a CPR system: the PAE Chico Mendes (Acre, Brazil)

International audienceThe economic modernization of the Amazon fostered by the Brazilian military government during the 1960s and 1970s was largely realized without taking into consideration the presence of local households which lived from the extraction of forest products (mainly non-timber). When they began to be expulsed, a political resistance, often guided by the Catholic Church, appeared as well as the creation of unions based on traditional identities, especially that of rubber tappers. During the 1980s, these unions made a strategic alliance with the ecologist movement which started to consider traditional populations, whose lifestyle depended on the forest, as allies for the protection of the Amazon rainforest. The movement gained a decisive momentum at the end of the decade by putting forward new proposals of land tenure for traditional populations, grounded on collective land rights. This strategy has been very efficient during the 1990s and 2000s, during which about 1,300,000 km 2 of rainforest were set apart and reserved for the use of " traditional communities " under a variety of legal status. But it has also led to mix under the same " collective " etiquette and principles a number of different ways of using and managing land and natural resources. This assumption however should be nuanced by a careful analysis of the resource management systems existing in each case, for they are in general complex and mix varying proportions of individual and collective decisions. The aim of this paper is to explore this question using the example of the Chico Mendes agro-extractive settlement (PAE-CM), inhabited by about 100 rubber tapper families and symbolic of the political struggle of traditional populations in the Amazon for being the home of the rubber tapper leader Chico Mendes assassinated in 2 Francois-Michel Le Tourneau and Bastien Beaufort 1988. Applying Ostrom " design principles " , we try to catch what are the local institutional arrangements and to see if they suggest collective or individual management , and what the boundaries between both categories are. As a conclusion, we find that the PAE-CM's system is much less collective than expected, and also very much controlled by external authorities, in a logic pretty much away from the idea of a CPR system. This finding is useful to understand the shortcomings in the actual management of the PAE but also to foresee difficulties which will probably arise in the management of many of the areas which have gained collective land rights or collective management statutes in the Amazon