260 research outputs found

    Recombinant Citizenship. IHS Political Science Series 67. December 1999

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    Europe has become a laboratory for recombining elements of citizenship. The paper suggests a matrix of citizenship dimensions (membership, rights and practices) and conceptions (liberal, republican and communitarian). The second part discusses three challenges to a monistic view of citizenship as a homogenous status and exclusive link between individuals and a singular political community. First, international migration leads to overlapping multiple citizenship through the proliferation of dual nationality but also “denizenship” rights for foreign residents. Second, claims for territorial autonomy by national minorities have resulted in the devolution of unitary states, creating thereby a nested multilevel citizenship that is also emerging in a different way in the European Union itself. Third, cultural rights of citizenship have been increasingly differentiated according to group membership in response to demands by cultural minorities for protection from discrimination, for special exemptions from general obligations of citizenship, or for public resources and recognition

    Integration in a pluralistic society: strategies for the future

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    "This essay deals with two questions: Is an internal pluralism of cultures compatible with the basic norms of a political order supported by principles of liberalism and democracy? Can societies remain integrated at the level of territorial political communities when they become increasingly mobile and open for international migration? Both questions are answered affirmatively, but with certain reservations against evolutionary optimism and cosmopolitan liberalism. Modernity has unleashed a dynamic of cultural homogenisation within nation-states, and at the global level, too. This has not eliminated cultural boundaries but rather turned them into political ones, charged with potentials for violent conflict. Liberal norms of tolerance are not strong enough to undermine the logics of nationalism and modern racism. New inclusive forms of democratic citizenship ought to represent rather than restrain internal cultural plurality, and at the same time provide incentives for boundary transgressions and against communal closure. With regard to the second question, there is a contradiction between the acceleration of international migrations on the one hand, and the need for stable and bounded membership in democratic polities on the other. This conflict can be resolved by developing transnational forms of citizenship which are based on territorial residence but allow for external, changing, and multiple forms of political membership. However, even if narrow conceptions of national sovereignty can be overcome, the national institutionalisation of social rights and the global gaps of unequal social citizenship still remain as the main obstacle for a universal right of free movement." [author's abstract

    National community, citizenship and cultural diversity

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    'Die vorliegende Studie behandelt die Frage von BĂŒrgerschaft und IdentitĂ€t in der EuropĂ€ischen Union. Es wird argumentiert, daß der Zugang zur Staats- bzw. UnionsbĂŒrgerschaft in der EU ein wenig beachtetes, aber wichtiges Element in der Konstruktion einer BĂŒrgergemeinschaft bildet - nicht zuletzt weil die Mitgliedstaaten mit betrĂ€chtlicher Immigration von Drittstaatsangehörigen konfrontiert sind. Es werden vier Optionen der Harmonisierung der Zugangsbedingungen zum BĂŒrgerschaftsstatus in der Gemeinschaft analysiert. Die vorgeschlagene Lösung zielt auf eine gleichgewichtige BerĂŒcksichtigung des normativen Prinzips des gleichen Zugangs, der praktischen und ethischen Probleme der Integration von Drittstaatsangehörigen und der Notwendigkeit, nationale SouverĂ€nitĂ€tsansprĂŒche im grĂ¶ĂŸtmöglichen Ausmaß zu bewahren. Fragen der BĂŒrgerschaft sind mit der Konstruktion einer kollektiven IdentitĂ€t aufs engste verknĂŒpft. Jedes BĂŒrgerschaftsmodell basiert auf einer bestimmten Vorstellung von dem, was die BĂŒrger eint. Dem 'Rechtsdefizit' der UnionsbĂŒrgerschaft, das sich aus dem Mangel an Substanz der entsprechenden Bestimmungen ergibt, korrespondiert ein 'IdentitĂ€tsdefizit' in der EU. Weder national orientierte, republikanische noch gesellschaftszentrierte AnsĂ€tze der IdentitĂ€tsformierung scheinen geeignet, die verschiedenen nationalen IdentitĂ€ten auf europĂ€ischer Ebene miteinander zu vermitteln. Wahrscheinlich kann sich in der EU lediglich eine hybride Form der IdentitĂ€t entwickeln, die sich auf Formen des multinationalen Föderalismus und einen einheitlichen BĂŒrgerschaftsstatus stĂŒtzen könnte.' (Autorenreferat)'The study addresses the question of citizenship and identity in the European Union. It is argued that access to citizenship in the EU is a neglected but important element in the construction of a community of citizens, not least because Member states face substantial immigration of third country nationals. Four policy options for harmonising access to individual membership in the Community are examined. The solution which is proposed strikes a balance between the normative principle of equality of access, the practical and ethical problem of integrating third country nationals, and the need to preserve national sovereignty to the largest extent possible. Questions of citizenship are inherently linked with the construction of collective identity. Any model of citizenship is based on a certain understanding of what the collectivity of citizens has in common. The 'rights deficit' of Union citizenship which is due to the lack of substance of the respective provisions corresponds to an 'identity deficit' in the EU. Neither national, republican, nor societal approaches to identity formation seem appropriate to accommodate and articulate the various national identities at the European level. Therefore, only a hybrid form of identity is likely to develop based on multinational federalism and common citizenship.' (author's abstract)

    In Defence of Multilevel Citizenship: A Rejoinder

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    Why stay together? A pluralist approach to secession and federation

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    "As a political doctrine nationalism has four distinctive features which make it unattractive from a liberal perspective. It promotes revisions of external state borders by secession and unification in order to create homogeneous nation-states; it militates against national and ethnic diversity within the given borders of a state; it regards national obligations as overriding other interests and identities of the nation's members; and it attributes a moral priority to compatriots which overrides obligations towards foreigners or foreign countries. The paper briefly examines each of these 'four ugly faces' of nationalism. Although liberal political theory may claim to have most consistently opposed these nationalist propositions, I argue that traditional liberalism is ill-equipped to reply to questions which involve the legitimacy of boundaries of political communities. This claim is substantiated by a more thorough examination of the question how state borders ought to be drawn. Consequentialist, deontological and liberal nationalist approaches are each divided against themselves on the question about whether and how to defend or reject a right to secession. The paper derives an alternative response from linking the legitimacy of secession to a theory of federation. In this view, secession may not only be justified in cases of persistent discrimination and inequality of individual citizenship, but also when fair terms of federation are violated. In multinational states, the claims of territorially concentrated groups to self-government can be generally satisfied by guaranteeing them collective rights to regional autonomy and special representation at the federal level. If, and as long as, the terms of federation are fair, minorities incur an obligation to maintain the unity of the federation in which they participate both as individual citizens and as distinct political communities within the larger polity." [author's abstract

    Recombinant citizenship

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    'Europa ist ein Laboratorium fĂŒr die Rekombination unterschiedlicher Aspekte von citizenship. Der Text schlĂ€gt als analytischen Raster drei Dimensionen (Mitgliedschaft, Rechte und Praktiken) und drei Konzeptionen (liberale, republikanische und kommunitĂ€re) von citizenship vor. Im zweiten Abschnitt werden drei Herausforderungen fĂŒr eine monistische Auffassung von StaatsbĂŒrgerschaft als homogener Status und exklusive Bindung zwischen Individuum und einer einzigen politischen Gemeinschaft diskutiert. Internationale Migrationen schaffen ĂŒberlappende multiple BĂŒrgerschaften, die sich in doppelter Staatsangehörigkeit und 'WohnbĂŒrgerrechten' niedergelassener AuslĂ€nderInnen manifestieren. Die Forderungen nationaler Minderheiten nach territorialer Autonomie fĂŒhren zu einer Föderalisierung zentralistischer Staaten, wodurch eine ineinander verschachtelte Mehrebenen-BĂŒrgerschaft geschaffen wird, wie sie in anderer Weise auch in der EuropĂ€ischen Union entsteht. Kulturelle BĂŒrgerrechte werden entlang von Gruppenzugehörigkeiten differenziert, indem kulturellen Minderheiten Schutz vor Diskriminierung, besondere Ausnahmen von allgemeinen BĂŒrgerpflichten oder öffentliche Ressourcen und Anerkennung zugestanden wird.' (Autorenreferat)'Europe has become a laboratory for recombining elements of citizenship. The paper suggests a matrix of citizenship dimensions (membership, rights and practices) and conceptions (liberal, republican and communitarian). The second part discusses three challenges to a monistic view of citizenship as a homogenous status and exclusive link between individuals and a singular political community. First, international migration leads to overlapping multiple citizenship through the proliferation of dual nationality but also 'denizenship' rights for foreign residents. Second, claims for territorial autonomy by national minorities have resulted in the devolution of unitary states, creating thereby a nested multilevel citizenship that is also emerging in a different way in the European Union itself. Third, cultural rights of citizenship have been increasingly differentiated according to group membership in response to demands by cultural minorities for protection from discrimination, for special exemptions from general obligations of citizenship, or for public resources and recognition.' (author's abstract)
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