41 research outputs found

    Incumbent mobilization of swing voters: voter-party linkages and consolidation of ethnic votes in Istanbul

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    This dissertation attempts to understand the mobilization strategies of incumbent parties to consolidate and increase their support among swing voters of an ethnic group. By analyzing the strategy of AKP on voters of Kurdish origin before 2011 general elections, it investigates the effectiveness of the clientelistic distribution of municipal resources in increasing support for the party and the conditions under which the party mobilizes these voters through clientelistic linkage. This investigation is conducted through a district and neighborhood level case study selected on the method of most similar cases in the districts of Beyoğlu, Sancaktepe and Beykoz situated in Istanbul. The main hypotheses are tested through five different steps. First, through the electoral results it identifies a large number of voters of Kurdish origin as ideologically close to pro-Islamist and pro-Kurdish parties. Second, it identifies the main organs responsible of mobilizing voters and defines the nature of the clientelistic network. Third, the study suggests that the incorporation of these voters into the party’s clientelistic network is a function of the number and time of entry of activists of Kurdish origin in the party’s ranks and the intensity of their contacts with the voters. Fourth, through an analysis of the selected neighborhoods it reveals the effectiveness of clientelistic mobilization in consolidating and increasing support among swing voters of Kurdish origin. Lastly, the inner party organization and critical juncture experienced by the party are argued to be influential in its ability to increase its network through the incorporation of new activists

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    An empirical analysis of the change in Turkish foreign policy under the AKP government

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    The existing literature on Turkish foreign policy (TFP) asserts that under the rule of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP), Turkey’s foreign policy shifted from caution and uni-dimensionality to relative activism and multi-dimensionality. This study aims to test these arguments through a systematic analysis of the international agreements ratified by the Turkish Parliament between 1984 and 2015. By looking at the number, content and signatory parties of these international agreements, it aims to empirically show the change in the activism, orientation and instruments of TFP. Using this original data set is not only used to trace the change under the AKP but also across all ruling governments that came to power between 1984 and 2015

    Explaining Turkey’s Foreign Policy in the Middle East through the Analysis of International Agreements

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    Turkish foreign policy under AKP incumbency has been studied by a great number of scholars. These studies have mostly argued that there has been an increase in the relations of Turkey with the Middle Eastern countries and a shift towards soft power policies in these relations. Although the main arguments of these studies and their evidence are persuasive, they seem far from providing a systematic and uniform account of this change. The aim of this study is to fulfill this gap by testing the existing arguments on Turkey’s Middle Eastern foreign policy under the rule of the AKP. In this regard, we test four key hypotheses by using the international agreements approved by the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) between the years 1984 and 2015. First, by looking at the signatory parties to these agreements we show whether there has been an increase in Turkey’s relations with the Middle Eastern countries under the rule of the AKP. Second, by looking at the content of these agreements we investigate whether there has been a shift from using hard power to soft power mechanisms. By comparing all these factors across all governments that were in power since the 1980s we do not only empirically show to what extent Turkey’s Middle Eastern foreign policy under the AKP government differs from the previous governments but also present the change in the level of activism and the use of foreign policy mechanisms across different AKP governments. The results of the study partly confirm the hypothesis present in the literature. First, although the data signals a quantitative increase in the relations with Middle Eastern countries when proportioned with the relations with other regions, it signals that the first and second AKP governments fall behind the first ANAP government. Second, in contrast to the arguments of actual studies, the data does not indicate a decrease in the use of hard power or increase in soft power policies. Contrary, a considerable increase can be observed in security issues during the second and third AKP governments. Third, the analysis of agreements signed with Middle Eastern countries indicates no increase in the economy but an increase in energy, environment, education, and culture related agreements. Lastly, although the analysis of the data shows an increasing trend in the relations with the international organizations during the AKP era, its magnitude is not higher than the previous governments

    Turkey’s Middle Eastern Foreign Policy during the Justice and Development Party Period (in Turkish)

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    Turkish foreign policy under AKP incumbency has been studied by a great number of scholars. These studies have mostly argued that there has been an increase in the relations of Turkey with the Middle Eastern countries and a shift towards soft power policies in these relations. Although the main arguments of these studies and their evidence are persuasive, they seem far from providing a systematic and uniform account of this change. The aim of this study is to fulfill this gap by testing the existing arguments on Turkey’s Middle Eastern foreign policy under the rule of the AKP. In this regard, we test four key hypotheses by using the international agreements approved by the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) between the years 1984 and 2015. First, by looking at the signatory parties to these agreements we show whether there has been an increase in Turkey’s relations with the Middle Eastern countries under the rule of the AKP. Second, by looking at the content of these agreements we investigate whether there has been a shift from using hard power to soft power mechanisms. By comparing all these factors across all governments that were in power since the 1980s we do not only empirically show to what extent Turkey’s Middle Eastern foreign policy under the AKP government differs from the previous governments but also present the change in the level of activism and the use of foreign policy mechanisms across different AKP governments. The results of the study partly confirm the hypothesis present in the literature. First, although the data signals a quantitative increase in the relations with Middle Eastern countries when proportioned with the relations with other regions, it signals that the first and second AKP governments fall behind the first ANAP government. Second, in contrast to the arguments of actual studies, the data does not indicate a decrease in the use of hard power or increase in soft power policies. Contrary, a considerable increase can be observed in security issues during the second and third AKP governments. Third, the analysis of agreements signed with Middle Eastern countries indicates no increase in the economy but an increase in energy, environment, education, and culture related agreements. Lastly, although the analysis of the data shows an increasing trend in the relations with the international organizations during the AKP era, its magnitude is not higher than the previous governments

    Fakik Gözlerde Siliyer Sulkusa Ahmed Glokom Valf İmplantasyonu: Retrospektif Olgu Serisi

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    FAKİK GÖZLERDE SİLİYER SULKUSA AHMED GLOKOM VALF İMPLANTASYONU: RETROSPEKTİF OLGU SERİSİ&nbsp;Özlem Özkan, MD (ORCID: 0000-0002-9758-1635)1,Gül Arıkan, MD (ORCID: 0000-0003-0098-8250)2Üzeyir Gunenç, MD (ORCID: 0000-0003-0504-0370)21 Araştırma Görevlisi. Dr., Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi, Göz Hastalıkları Anabilim Dalı, İzmir2 Prof, Dr, Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi, Göz Hastalıkları Anabilim Dalı, İzmir&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;ÖZET&nbsp;Amaç: Fakik ve medikal tedaviye dirençli glokomlu gözlerde siliyer sulkusa Ahmed glokom valf (AGV) implantasyonunun sonuçlarını değerlendirmek.Yöntem: Ocak 2018 ile Haziran 2022 tarihleri arasında siliyer sulkusa AGV implantasyonu uygulanan &nbsp;hastaların tıbbi kayıtları retrospektif olarak incelendi. Çalışmaya sadece fakik gözler dahil edildi, afakik/psödofakik gözler veya kombine cerrahi (tüp şant implantasyonu + lensektomi) yapılan gözler çalışma dışı bırakıldı. Başarı, göz içi basıncı (GİB) kontrolü için başka bir ameliyat olmaksızın, ışık algısı kaybı olmadan ve implant çıkarılmadan postoperatif GİB’nın ≥ 6 mmHg ve ≤ 21 mmHg olması şeklinde tanımlandı. Glokom tanıları, GİB düzeyleri, kullanılan antglokomatöz ilaç sayısı &nbsp;ve komplikasyonlar kaydedildi.Bulgular: Çalışmaya 19 hastanın (13 erkek, 6 kadın)&nbsp; 20 gözü dahil edildi. Ortalama yaş 51.60 ±13.07 &nbsp;yıl (aralık:18-76 yıl), ortalama takip süresi 11.10±11.37 ay (aralık:1-36 ay) idi. Glokom tanısı 4 gözde (%20) dar açılı glokom, 4 gözde (%20) &nbsp;jüvenil glokom, 3 gözde (%15) &nbsp;neovasküler glokom, 3 gözde (%15) &nbsp;primer açık açılı glokom, 3 gözde (%15) &nbsp;üveitik glokom, 2 gözde (%10) &nbsp;psödoeksfoliasyon glokomu, 1 gözde (%10)&nbsp; iridokorneoendoteliyal sendroma bağlı glokom &nbsp;idi. Ameliyat öncesi ortalama GİB&nbsp; 33.00 ± 6.55 mmHg (aralık: 24-50 mmHg) iken, en son kontrolde 13.50 ± 2.91 mmHg (aralık: 7-20 mmHg) olarak bulundu, GİB azalması istatistiksel olarak anlamlıydı (p&lt;0.001, Wilcoxon testi). Antiglokomatöz ilaç sayısı ameliyat öncesi 3.70 ± 0.47 (aralık: 3-4) iken, en son kontrolde 2.25 ±1.37 (aralık: 0-4) olarak bulundu. Antiglokomatöz ilaç sayısında azalma istatistiksel açıdan anlamlıydı (p=0.001, Wilcoxon&nbsp; testi). En son kontrolde 17 gözde (%85) başarı sağlandı. Ameliyat sırasında hiçbir gözde kristalin lens yaralanması dahil ciddi bir komplikasyon gelişmedi. Ameliyat sonrası&nbsp; en sık komplikasyon 5 gözde (%25) gelişen malign glokom idi.Sonuç: Fakik gözlerde Ahmed glokom valfin&nbsp; siliyer sulkusa lensektomi yapılmadan implantasyonu etkin ve güvenilir bir yöntemdir. &nbsp;</p
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