164 research outputs found
Afghan presidential elections: a mirror of self-deception
Judgement over the 20 August Afghan elections has varied widely among observers. The most critical has been the Free and Fair Election Foundation, which reported widespread fraud. The EU observers, by contrast, judged that the elections were âfree and fairâ despite widespread violence. Most diplomats congratulated Afghanistan over a voter turnout estimated at 40-50%, which despite being well below the official 70% of 2004 is believed to be acceptable in the face of âwidespreadâ violence
'Good' state vs. 'bad' warlords? A critique of state-building strategies in Afghanistan
The current Afghan government, having weak social roots has been forced to rely on the support of âwarlordsâ to stay in power. But a high price had to be paid. Despite the predominant stress in much current analysis on the issue of regional warlordism, the limited reform achievements in the Kabul ministries and the enduring domination by the militias of some key ministries are potentially much more threatening to the reform and re-establishment of the Afghan state. Widespread corruption is preventing some key ministries from achieving the minimal effectiveness required. Even within Kabul, the focus of the international community has been misplaced. In particular, the pressure of donors on the Ministry of the Interior has been nowhere near as strong as that exerted over the Ministry of Finance. The international community also failed to support adequately the attempts by âcivil societyâ to change the corrupt practices of the state administration
The debate on warlordism: the importance of military legitimacy
Despite the careless use of the terms ' warlord' and ' warlordism' by the media, both have become increasingly popular among academics, even if some scholars object to their use. This paper draws on direct field experience as well as the ongoing debate. It aims, on the one hand, to reconcile the different perspectives - which are often not necessarily at odds with each other - and on the other hand, to propose a definition of 'warlordism' for the social sciences that is both closer to that used so far by historians and at the same time consistent with emerging evidence from the field
The Islamic State and the Talibanâs Counter-terrorism
As the Taliban develops its state and governance apparatus in Afghanistan, it is also confronted with the unexpected task of developing a counter-terrorism strategy. As Antonio Giustozzi explains, the Islamic State in Khorasan has now turned on the Taliban, drawing attention to the complexity of extreme right-wing terrorism, deeply entrenched as it is in the social fabric of Afghanistan
Taliban Networks in Afghanistan
Dr. Antonio Giustozzi relies on his extensive experience as a researcher in Afghanistan to create an insightful analysis of a wide range of topics including assessments of the Talibanâs strengths and weaknesses, their ability to reassess and adapt, and their operational and strategic successes and failures. He has presented a balanced treatment of the subject matter; however, balance does not mean that the case study will be uncontroversial. In fact, Giustozziâs analysis contains some rather blunt appraisals of many of the major actors in this conflict; including both ISAF and the Taliban.https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/ciwag-case-studies/1006/thumbnail.jp
Taliban and the future of the state in Afghanistan
As Afghanistan walks through the second year of Taliban rule, and world powers and global media move on to other things, what is the future of the political state, the Emirate, in Afghanistan? The Taliban maintain that they have learnt from the mistakes of their earlier tenure in the 1990s, but are they able to create any state apparatus of governance? Antonio Giustozzi analyses their performance since August 2021, and the road ahead
Los grupos Ă©tnicos y la movilizaciĂłn polĂtica en AfganistĂĄn
El artĂculo traza el desarrollo de las polĂticas Ă©tnicas en AfganistĂĄn, desde la dĂ©cada de 1930, cuando la monarquĂa promoviĂł el nacionalismo PashtĂșn esperando engrosar sus bases populares, hasta los años ochenta y noventa, cuando facciones polĂticas armadas recurrieron cada vez mĂĄs a la propaganda Ă©tnica para ganar apoyo, y finalmente hasta el perĂodo posterior a 2001, cuando la competencia electoral nuevamente trajo el tema de la identidad Ă©tnica a un primer plano.The article charts the rise of ethnic politics in Afghanistan from the 1930s, when the monarchy hoped that promoting Pashtun nationalism would strengthen its popular base, to the 1980s and 90s, when armed political factions increasingly resorted to ethnic propaganda to mobilize support, and finally to the post-2001 period, when electoral competition once again brought the issue of ethnic identity to the fore.O artigo mostra o aumento de polĂticas Ă©tnicas no AfeganistĂŁo desde os anos de 1930, quando a monarquia esperava que ao promover o nacionalismo dos Pashtun fortaleceria a sua base popular, atĂ© os anos de 1980 e 90, quando facçÔes polĂticas armadas recorreram cada vez mais Ă propaganda Ă©tnica para conseguir apoio, e finalmente para o perĂodo apĂłs 2001, quando a competição eleitoral trouxe Ă tona o problema da identidade Ă©tnica
The Politics of the Talibanâs Shadow Judiciary, 2003â2013
The Taliban established their own judicial system in Afghanistan as both an instrument
of population control and as a means to project themselves as an effective parallel
government. Despite the heavy reliance on coercion, the Talibanâs method of
dealing with common criminality and resolving disputes was often welcome, though
the weak appeal system and the rapidity of the trials was sometimes criticized. A more
structured approach to coercion, featuring rules, regulation and supervision over the
military, allows less use of violence and promises increased predictability for the population,
making active resistance less of a necessity. In the long run, the establishment
of credible judiciary institutions reshapes the social environment and creates vested
interests in favor of Taliban domination
High tie versus low tie of the inferior mesenteric artery: a protocol for a systematic review
In anterior resection of rectum, the section level of inferior mesenteric artery is still subject of controversy between the advocates of high and low tie. The low tie is the division and ligation to the branching of the left colic artery and the high tie is the division and ligation at its origin at the aorta. We intend to assess current scientific evidence in literature and to establish the differences comparing technique, anatomy and physiology. The aim of this protocol is to achieve a meta-analysis that tests safety and feasibility of the two procedures with several types of outcome measures
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