Political Criteria vs. Political Conditionality: Comparative analysis of Slovenian and Croatian European Union accession processes

This study analyses the differences in content and procedure in the application of political criteria and political conditionality in the EU accession processes of Slovenia and Croatia. The article ascertains that with regard to substance, the Commission and EU member states did apply political criteria more extensively and meticulously to Croatia in comparison to Slovenia, but mainly due to the difference in the states’ initial assessment of preparedness for EU membership and the application of the principle of own merits. Empirical results, however, show that the differences in political conditionality did not only stem from Croatia’s post-conflict conditions, but also from the EU’s experience of the 2004 and 2007 enlargements and the concern about the EU’s absorption capacity. As for the accession process procedure, the latter has increasingly empowered the Commission rather than EU member states, which bears relevance for future (Western Balkans) enlargements

(Ne)koherentnost mediteranskih politika EU-a: analiza čimbenika koji utječu na uspješnost primjene

This article examines whether the implementation of the EU\u27s Mediterranean policies has been unsuccessful due to the incoherence of these policies. Termed as incompatibility of goals among the EMP, the ENP and the UFM, incoherence is analysed in various subfields of the EU\u27s external action, namely in the functional external dimensions of internal policies (Justice and Home Affairs/JHA, Energy, Transport, Environment and Education) and external relations (Trade) on one side, and in Foreign Policy on the other. Functional subfields prove to retain more coherence and higher implementation success, with Education being exemplary. Conversely, political subfields (democratization and respect for human rights) expose incoherence and consequently about 50% failure of implementation. Nevertheless, in JHA (the fight against irregular immigration and terrorism), where the former functional cooperation became highly politically burdened, results show even higher non-implementation, which bears more general relevance for EU external action policy-making.Članak se bavi pitanjem jesu li dosadašnje tri mediteranske politike EU-a bile neuspješne zbog svoje nekoherentnosti. Definirana kao nekompatibilnost ciljeva između EMP-a, ESP-a i UZM-a, nekoherentnost je analizirana kroz razna područja vanjskoga djelovanja EU-a, naime kroz funkcionalna područja eksternaliziranih unutarnjih politika (unutarnja pitanja i pravosuđe, energetika, transport, okoliš i obrazovanje) i vanjskih odnosa (trgovina) te kroz vanjsku politiku EU-a. Funkcionalne politike pokazale su se koherentnijima i s većim uspjehom u primjeni, što je predstavljeno na primjeru obrazovanja. Nasuprot njima, politička područja (demokratizacija, poštivanje ljudskih prava) razotkrivaju nekoherentnost te 50 postotnu neuspješnost u primjeni. Međutim, unutarnja pitanja i pravosuđe (posebno suzbijanje migracija i terorizma), u kojima je sadašnja funkcionalna suradnja postala visoko politizirana, rezultiraju najvišim stupnjem neprimjene, što postaje sve relevantnije za proces odlučivanja na razini vanjskoga djelovanja EU-a

Slovenia’s Foreign Policy Opportunities and Constraints: The Analysis of an Interplay of Foreign Policy Environments

The article focuses on the interconnectedness of foreign policy environments to explain Slovenia’s opportunities and constraints for foreign policy action. During the period of pre-independence para-diplomacy, the building of an internal and external domestic environment successfully turned constraints (no international recognition) into opportunities (applying for membership of European and global intergovernmental organizations). In the second period — post-recognition — considering the absence of a strategic foreign policy document, the Slovenian internal foreign policy environment became a major constraint to seize foreign environment opportunities. This affected Slovenia’s accomplishments, notably after NATO and EU memberships were achieved in 2004. Although the Slovenian internal environment matured during the following period to adopt, in 2015, a comprehensive foreign policy strategy the recent turn in world politics (especially the European financial and economic crisis and the migration crisis) created for the first time a foreign environment for Slovenia that offered many fewer opportunities and far more constraints.The article focuses on the interconnectedness of foreign policy environments to explain Slovenia’s opportunities and constraints for foreign policy action. During the period of pre-independence para-diplomacy, the building of an internal and external domestic environment successfully turned constraints (no international recognition) into opportunities (applying for membership of European and global intergovernmental organizations). In the second period — post-recognition — considering the absence of a strategic foreign policy document, the Slovenian internal foreign policy environment became a major constraint to seize foreign environment opportunities. This affected Slovenia’s accomplishments, notably after NATO and EU memberships were achieved in 2004. Although the Slovenian internal environment matured during the following period to adopt, in 2015, a comprehensive foreign policy strategy the recent turn in world politics (especially the European financial and economic crisis and the migration crisis) created for the first time a foreign environment for Slovenia that offered many fewer opportunities and far more constraints