2,090 research outputs found
Immigration, Criminalization, and Disobedience
This symposium essay explores two contending visions of immigration justice: one focused on expanding procedural rights for immigrants, and a second associated with a movement of immigrant youth who have come out en masse as “undocumented and unafraid,” issuing a fundamental challenge to immigration restrictionism. As immigration enforcement in the United States increasingly relies on criminal prosecution and detention, advocates for reform have increasingly turned to constitutional criminal procedure, seeking greater procedural protections for immigrants. But this essay argues that this focus on enhanced procedural protections is woefully incomplete as a vision of immigration justice. Although a right to counsel, for example, may provide comfort and aid to certain vulnerable individuals, such procedural protections are unlikely to change the quasi-criminal character of immigration enforcement or to address the plight of the millions of people without a path to lawful status. Just as U.S. constitutional criminal procedure failed to ameliorate the harshness of substantive criminal law, more robust immigration procedural protections would likely fail to reorient immigration enforcement in a more humane direction. By contrast, a growing movement of immigrant *557 youth offers a more expansive conception of immigration reform. As these immigrant youth lay claim to a “right to remain,” infiltrate immigration detention centers, and crash the border, they have reshaped our political and legal discourse, gesturing towards an alternative vision of immigration justice
Confronting Criminal Law’s Violence: The Possibilities of Unfinished Alternatives
Confronting criminal law’s violence calls for an openness to unfinished alternatives — a willingness to engage in partial, in process, incomplete reformist efforts that seek to displace conventional criminal law administration as a primary mechanism for social order maintenance. But despite all indications that the status quo in U.S. criminal law administration is profoundly dysfunctional — an institutional manifestation of the deepest pathologies in our society — contemporary criminal law reform efforts and scholarship focus almost exclusively on relatively limited modifications to the status quo. These modifications may well render criminal law administration more humane, but fail to substitute alternative institutions or approaches to realize social order maintenance goals. In particular, these reformist efforts continue to rely on conventional criminal regulatory approaches to a wide array of social concerns, with all of their associated violence: on criminalization, policing, arrest, prosecution, incarceration, probation, and parole. Thus, even as these reformist approaches may offer substantial benefits, they remain wed to institutions that perpetrate criminal law’s violence and to limited temporal and imaginative horizons. By contrast, this essay explores a series of criminal law reform alternatives that offer more fundamental substitutes for criminal law administration. More specifically, this essay focuses on the possibilities of alternatives to criminal case processing that substitute for the order-maintaining functions currently attempted through criminal law enforcement. These alternatives hold the potential to draw into service separate institutions and mechanisms from those typically associated with criminal law administration. Further, these alternatives enlist on more equal footing and invite feedback and input from persons subject to criminal law enforcement. Importantly, this latter subset of reform alternatives is decidedly unfinished, partial, in process. I will argue that this unfinished quality ought not to be denied as an embarrassment or flaw, but instead should be embraced as a source of critical strength and possibility. In this dimension, this essay is a preliminary call for more attention on the part of legal scholars and criminal law reform advocates to unfinished partial substitutes for the order-maintaining work performed by criminal law administration — a call to attend further to as yet incomplete reformist alternatives that may portend less violent and more self-determined ways of achieving some measure of social order and collective peace. I begin to develop this argument by drawing, in particular, on the work of the Norwegian social theorist and prison abolitionist Thomas Mathiesen
Redox regulation of metabolic syndrome: From biochemical mechanisms to nutritional interventions
According to its "harmonized" definition, metabolic syndrome (MetS) is described as a cluster of metabolic factors that increases the risk of cardiovascular diseases, diabetes (DM) and associated morbidities such as dementia [...]
Redox systems, oxidative stress, and antioxidant defences in health and disease
Reactive oxygen and nitrogen species (RONS) play a key role in the regulation of
cell survival.
While adequate levels of RONS are essential to sustain cell proliferation and survival,
disruption of the endocellular redox state induces cell dysfunction and death. Indeed,
under physiological conditions, a balance between the generation and elimination of RONS
ensures the proper function of redox-sensitive signalling proteins. Conversely, alterations
to the redox homeostasis may disrupt the function of key transcription factors, signaltransduction
pathways and cell-death regulators. Along these lines, understanding the
mechanisms underlying cellular redox homeostasis may help to develop nutraceutical
and/or pharmacological tools to counteract the development of a wide number of redoxdependent
pathologies, including cardiovascular, neurodegenerative, inflammatory-based
diseases and cancer.
The special issue has brought together updated research concerning molecular mechanisms
underlying the control of redox-regulated cell systems in physiological processes
and pathological conditions. In addition, recent evidence on the role of phytochemicals,
nutraceuticals and dietary patterns in the control of redox-dependent pathophysiological
conditions has also been included. New information has been added to this field by means
of 15 articles, with 11 original papers and 4 reviews. [...]
Antioxidant and anti-inflammatory properties of plants extract
Inflammation is an adaptive response triggered by noxious stimuli and conditions such as infection and tissue injury [...]
Protest Boycotts as Restraints of Trade under the Sherman Act: A Proposed Standard
This paper will maintain that genuine protest boycotts are not anticompetitive because they do not restrict the economic freedom of either the participants or the boycotted entity; nor are they used to enforce an anticompetitive practice, such as collusion or horizontal exclusion. In Part II, cases dealing with unilateral and concerted refusals to deal will be examined to determine under which circumstances refusals to deal are illegal. Part III will analyze two recent protest boycotts cases: Crown Central Petroleum v. Waldman, and Osborn v. Pennsylvania-Delaware Service Station. The legal standards used in these cases will be rejected in Part IV as superfluous, and a clearer standard will be presented for determining the legality of protest boycotts
Abolition and Environmental Justice
During the coronavirus pandemic, movements for penal abolition and racial justice achieved dramatic growth and increased visibility. While much public discussion of abolition has centered on the call to divest from criminal law enforcement, contemporary abolitionists also understand public safety in terms of building new life-sustaining institutions and collective structures that improve human well-being, linking penal divestment to environmental justice. In urging a reimagination of public safety, abolitionists envision much more than decriminalization or a reallocation of police functions to social service agencies or other alternatives to imprisonment and policing. Instead, for abolitionists, meaningful public safety requires, among other things, a just transition away from an extractive fossil fuel driven economy characterized by vast racialized inequality and held in place by penal bureaucracy, and towards new regenerative economic, social, and ecological systems. This Article explores the connections between abolition and environmental justice, examining social movement organizing, litigation, and proposed legislation. These abolitionist environmental justice projects aim both to confront the harms associated with criminal law enforcement and ecological catastrophe and to build a more sustainable and just future. These efforts represent a necessary turn towards addressing multiple interlocking crises together rather than treating the harms involved in criminal law enforcement, climate change, and racial capitalism as separate and distinct. This Article attends carefully to and attempts to think with abolitionist and environmental justice movement participants, engaging the ideas and strategies generated by these movements as sources of insight into law’s injustice and possible abolitionist futures
Protest Boycotts as Restraints of Trade under the Sherman Act: A Proposed Standard
This paper will maintain that genuine protest boycotts are not anticompetitive because they do not restrict the economic freedom of either the participants or the boycotted entity; nor are they used to enforce an anticompetitive practice, such as collusion or horizontal exclusion. In Part II, cases dealing with unilateral and concerted refusals to deal will be examined to determine under which circumstances refusals to deal are illegal. Part III will analyze two recent protest boycotts cases: Crown Central Petroleum v. Waldman, and Osborn v. Pennsylvania-Delaware Service Station. The legal standards used in these cases will be rejected in Part IV as superfluous, and a clearer standard will be presented for determining the legality of protest boycotts
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