Foresight Security Scenarios for Prepared Response to the Unplanned: Results From an EU Security Research Project and Its Transatlantic Dimension

Breakout session presentation, 8th Annual National Homeland Security Conference, Track 1: Responding to Unplanned Events, National Homeland Security Association and City of Philadelphia, Philadelphia, PA, 20-22 May 201

Overview of Penn State Homeland Security Programs and Its Curriculum Enhancement and Evolution Activities

Program mission • “The intercollege Master of Professional Studies in Homeland Security (iMPS-HLS) degree program is designed to prepare professionals and develop leaders for the field of homeland security by providing exceptional graduate education that includes an integrated curriculum, expert faculty, and student interaction.

NATO’s Institutional Adaptation and Post-strategic Security in Europe, 1990-97: Political Challenges and Theoretical Considerations

Die politischen ebenso wie die politologischen Debatten über die Zukunft der NATO begannen schon bald, sich vornehmlich um die Bündniserweiterung und um den gemeinsamen Ausgriff im robusten Konfliktmanagement zu drehen. Diese wichtigen Dimensionen der Zukunft der Allianz und ihrer Rolle bei der Friedenssicherung in und für Europa dürfen aber eine andere, ebenfalls grundlegende Dimension nicht übersehen lassen: die politischen Beziehungen innerhalb der Allianz und die Selbstpositionierung der Allianz gegenüber anderen internationalen \u27Sicherheitsinstitutionen\u27. Dieser Aspekt ist nach dem Madrider Gipfel vom Juli 1997, auf dem die dann im März 1999 erfolgte Erweiterungsrunde beschlossen wurde, zu sehr in den Hintergrund geraten. Doch er ist entscheidend für die politische Zukunft und für die kollektive Handlungsfähigkeit einer erweiterten und um neue Funktionen ergänzten NATO. Die folgende Untersuchung betrachtet deshalb die erste Welle der Anpassung der NATO an die Bedingungen und Herausforderungen post-strategischer Sicherheit und Sicherheitspolitik: die interne Anpassung der Allianz zwischen 1990 und 1997. Dabei verbindet die Arbeit politisch-praxeologische mit theoretisch-methodischen Fragestellungen (was ist ein geeigneter Bezugsrahmen für die Untersuchung der NATO mit ihrem Wandel zu einer genuinen \u27Sicherheitsinstitution\u27 mit dem Trend zu einem eigenen, von dem ihrer Mitgliedstaaten in wichtigen Stücken unterscheidbaren politischen Willen und einer eigenen politischen Identität?). Eine Empfehlung für die erweiterte Allianz ist, im Rahmen der neuen sog. Artikel-4-Operationen keine allzu breitgefächerten politischen Verantwortlichkeiten und wertpolitischen Verpflichtungen im Bereich der Friedenssicherung zu übernehmen oder allianzpolitisch nur noch sicherheitsgemeinschaftliche Identitätsbildung zu betreiben, sondern sich auf bestimmte und klar umrissene Funktionen in der post-strategischen Sicherheitspolitik in und für Europa zu konzentrieren. Wenngleich zu erwarten steht, daß komplexes Konfliktmanagement in den nächsten Jahren die operative Hauptaufgabe der NATO sein wird, ist es ihr nämlich nicht anzuraten, sich zu weit von ihrem harten Funktionskern zu entfernen oder sich übermäßig zu \u27politisieren\u27 und allzusehr als Agentur politischen Krisenmanagements aufzutreten. Eine Überpolitisierung könnte die Funktionen und den Charakter ihrer militärischen Organisationsstruktur aufweichen und dadurch auf die Dauer bei den Mitgliedern, gerade auch den neuen, das Interesse an Integration und die Bereitschaft zu einem realistischen Verteidigungsbeitrag und zu Selbstverpflichtung gegenüber der Allianz schwächen. Gleiches stünde zu erwarten, wenn die NATO sich mehr und mehr vorrangig als Wertegemeinschaft und Integrationsordnung beschreiben würde. Demgegenüber liegt eine grundlegende politische Herausforderung für die Allianz und ihre alten wie neuen Mitgliedstaaten darin, die paradoxen Folgen ihres Erfolgs zu bewältigen. Für nahezu ein halbes Jahrhundert hat sich die NATO als transatlantischer und darüber hinaus weltpolitischer Stabilitätsanker gegenüber der Bedrohung durch den Warschauer Pakt erwiesen. Dies auch deshalb, weil es immer wieder gelungen ist, transatlantische Beziehungskrisen gemeinsam zu meistern und Kompromisse zu finden, die Bündniskonflikte beilegten und zugleich Richtungen für die Weiterentwicklung und den Wandel der Allianz vorzeichneten. Dies hatte auch Auswirkungen auf die Entwicklung der europäischen Regionalordnung insgesamt und die Vertiefung der westeuropäischen Integration. Diese Fähigkeit zu integrativer Konfliktregelung und zu gemeinsamen Richtungsentscheidungen, die zugleich auch Richtungsentscheidungen über die politische Handlungsfähigkeit eines sich weiter integrierenden Europas sind, gerade auch unter den veränderten Bedingungen aufrechtzuerhalten und zusammen mit den neuen Mitgliedern fortzuentwickeln (und in diesem Sinn durchaus eine handlungsfähige Wertegemeinschaft zu bilden), ist der Test für die Stellung der NATO in der Ära post-strategischer Sicherheitspolitik und im entstehenden Gesamteuropa

Homeland Security Starts at Home: How the Citizens of PA Perceive Core Missions and the Whole-Community Approach to Fostering a Resilient Nation

Content Rationale Method: PA omnibus poll instrument How citizens value homeland security What homeland security protects from PA citizens on homeland security Perceived scope of homeland security Who provides homeland security Homeland security and daily life Conclusions General recommendations Educational mission consideration

Pennsylvania’s COVID-19 Response vs. Homeland Security Frameworks and Research: Masking the Whole Community

This essay offers an intermediate discussion of select policy, strategic, operational, and tactical issues that demonstrate where and how the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania’s novel coronavirus response on the one hand, and homeland security frameworks and research on the other, converge or—more often so—diverge, and how to narrow this gap. Although typically framed as a pandemic owned by the public health sector, the COVID-19 response falls directly within the homeland security mission space, whose core missions include “Ensuring Resilience to Disasters.” In some respects, Pennsylvania’s response exemplifies best practices suggested by research. In other dimensions, it is neither in line with what research would recommend nor with what the National Preparedness System would mandate. The Keystone State has yet to fully make the step from disaster to catastrophe as the characteristic challenge to U.S. emergency management in our century. Response to catastrophic crisis cannot be siloed; it requires adaptivity and an inclusive approach to the community

Penn State’s School of Public Affairs Security-Related Academic Programs Amid the Novel Coronavirus Catastrophe

Due to its large OL student population, Penn State’s School of Public Affairs had (unintended) applicable crisis contingency protocols in place prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. With the support of our college’s Center for Teaching Excellence, many traditional F2F residential courses had already been set up on our learning management system (LMS), Canvas. As a result, many of our school’s traditional students and faculty had a handle on using Canvas and remote learning technology. The center enhanced and focused its services to faculty as COVID-19 evolved (Center for Teaching Excellence, 2020). As the COVID-19 crisis hit Penn State during the Spring 2020 semester, most residential F2F classes were moved to a synchronous-OL modality using Zoom, a videoconferencing platform. For statutory and university policy reasons, as they apply to Penn State as a public land-grant university, we had strict limitations regarding asynchronous teaching during the Spring semester since residential students had enrolled with a reasonable expectation of being taught F2F, or if circumstances should require, synchronously OL. In addition, students on internships were able to continue with their respective real-life internship experiences, moving to home-office settings with classes held via Zoom. While the PhD program had some flexibility, the school could not deliver the program fully asynchronous OL due to Penn State Graduate Council rules and especially its residency requirement. Consequently, the doctoral program was delivered OL synchronously, enabling students to fulfill their residency preferences and requirements. In its newly added homeland security/emergency specialization, the PhD program had previously planned to use existing research-focused courses from the Intercollege Master in Professional Studies in Homeland Security Program. This plan was fast tracked, and our program will see its first homeland security-specializing PhD students in asynchronous OL classes in the Spring 2021 semester as policy allows for some PhD classes to be taken in this mode

Ethical, Legal, and Social Issues In Homeland Security – What They Are and How to Address Them

Homeland security is a nationwide effort, including all of government across federal, state, local, territorial and tribal tiers; the public and the private sector, and the whole community, with each single citizen. The overarching homeland security vision comprises safeguarding the American way of life and is embedded into the goals of the National Security Strategy that include respect for universal values at home and abroad. It thus is evident that ethical, legal, and social-or ELSI-issues are important to consider. This chapter discusses the origins and essence of ELSI and explores ELSI integration into everyday homeland security. Two defining debates are reviewed: homeland security legislation (specifically the USA Patriot Act of 2001 and the USA Freedom Act of 2015) and domestic surveillance, with related use of technology such as drones. Subsequently, the relevance of ELSI is summarized across prevention, protection, mitigation, response, and recovery missions. After adding some examples of how ELSI are addressed in other countries\u27 civil security policy, best practices to effectively address ELSI, as well as limitations of ELSI integration in homeland security, are discussed

International Non-proliferation Policy and the United Nations Security System After 9/11 and Iraq

No matter if the weapons of mass destruction (WMD) argument brought forward by the U.S. in respect of the multinational military intervention in Iraq in 2003 was meant to be real or rather was constructed : It is a fact that the WMD case, along with the new concept of security after 9/11, is real in its consequences for international WMD non-proliferation policy, collective use of force, and thus the U.N. security system. However, this fact does not cut off the path-dependencies of a policy of containment of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons. A point often overlooked is that not only U.S. unilateralism – along with the multi-nationalism in the EU-context that it evoked for example in the Iran nuclear dispute in early 2005 – has contributed to a loss of collective endeavour in WMD non-proliferation policy. Rather, the sheer technology of the problem itself had been rendering collective, or global solutions increasingly unfeasible long before. For example, since the 1980ies, the dimension of the threat has been substantially defined by the easy trans-national availability of key technologies and dual-use goods. In addition, a number of pivotal states have not only been exhibiting decreasing commitment but also technical and financial capabilities to implement their obligations in the disarmament sector. Moreover, research already concluded ten years ago that in contrast to community-of-states or world-society based approaches (such as trust and verrechtlichung , or civilizing ), we would be going to increasingly have to discuss the use of force in non-proliferation policy and options for military intervention – and this especially so when facing diffuse WMD threats. That is because such a type of threat is not amenable to customary means of deterrence and active repulse. Based on this observation, my article first locates the problem of WMD non-proliferation within its path-dependencies as well as the theoretical debate of nuclear peace . It then introduces the formative elements of the state of the art of the WMD non-proliferation regime on the eve of 11 September 2001 and the Iraq conflict (2002-03), contrasting them with the structural developments in the WMD non-proliferation sector that we have been witnessing since then. From this, the paper derives working propositions about non-proliferation policy in the early 21st century. Among the results will be that on the one hand, we still have to comprehend the problem of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the light of last decades\u27 experience. On the other hand, certain principles of non-proliferation policy have been fading recently, especially its co-operative and universal idea. This leaves us with important conclusions for U.N. collective security and the use of force in the WMD sector: The war on terror as well as the case of Iraq has shown that the global level of WMD non-proliferation is seriously losing its relevance – which has serious consequences for the further developments and accomplishments of non-proliferation standards in the U.N. framework

Digital Democracy and Its Application to the International Arena – From “Deliberation” to “Decision”

Apart from the discussion about computer-mediated change in community and domestic political affairs, there is a pending debate on general effects of internet- or “net”-based communication on international politics. The reference to international politics rather than international relations is a consciously chosen one – for this paper focuses on net effects on collective decision-making rather than international-society processes. IP/IR driven research on internet-induced political change does not very much link itself to the state of knowledge in internet-and-politics research. Rather, it commonly departs from sub-discipline specific concepts such as neorealist power analysis or post-international turbulence analysis (cf. Allison 2002)

Mission-Space Driven Curriculum Evolution in All-Hazard Homeland Security Programming

Panel opening presentation at the 16th Annual Emergency Management Higher Education Conference, FEMA Emergency Management Institute, June 3, 2014