Country effects in ISSP-1993 environmental data: Comparison of SEM approaches

Structural equation models (SEM) are commonly used to analyze the relationship between variables some of which may be latent, such as individual ``attitude'' to and ``behavior'' concerning specific issues. A number of difficulties arise when we want to compare a large number of groups, each with large sample size, and the manifest variables are distinctly non-normally distributed. Using an specific data set, we evaluate the appropriateness of the following alternative SEM approaches: multiple group versus MIMIC models, continuous versus ordinal variables estimation methods, and normal theory versus non-normal estimation methods. The approaches are applied to the ISSP-1993 Environmental data set, with the purpose of exploring variation in the mean level of variables of ``attitude'' to and ``behavior'' concerning environmental issues and their mutual relationship across countries. Issues of both theoretical and practical relevance arise in the course of this application.Structural equation models, factors models, MIMIC models, latent variables, multiple group analysis, non-normality, goodness of fit test, environmental data

Does Partisan Alignment Affect the Electoral Reward of Intergovernmental Transfers?

In this paper we test the hypothesis that intergovernmental grants allocated to co-partisans buy more political support than grants allocated to local governments controlled by opposition parties. We use a rich Spanish database containing information about the grants received by 617 municipalities during the period 1993-2003 from two different upper-tier governments (Regional and Upper-local), as well as data of municipal voting behaviour at three electoral contests held at the different layers of government during this period. Therefore, we are able to estimate two different vote equations, analysing the effects of grants given to aligned and unaligned municipalities on the vote share of the incumbent party/parties at the regional and local elections. We account for the endogeneity of grants by instrumenting them with the average amount of grants distributed by upper-layer governments. The results suggest that grants given to co-partisans buy some political support, but that grants given to opposition parties do not bring any votes, suggesting that the grantee reaps as much political credit from intergovernmental grants as the grantor.voting, parties, grants

Does partisan alignment affect the electoral reward of intergovernmental transfers?

In this paper we test the hypothesis that intergovernmental grants allocated to co-partisans buy more political support than grants allocated to local governments controlled by opposition parties. We use a rich Spanish database containing information about the grants received by 617 municipalities during the period 1993-2003 from two different upper-tier governments (Regional and Upper-local), as well as data of municipal voting behaviour at three electoral contests held at the different layers of government during this period. Therefore, we are able to estimate two different vote equations, analysing the effects of grants given to aligned and unaligned municipalities on the vote share of the incumbent party/parties at the regional and local elections. We account for the endogeneity of grants by instrumenting them with the average amount of grants distributed by upper-layer governments. The results suggest that grants given to co-partisans buy some political support, but that grants given to the opposition do not bring any votes, suggesting that the grantee reaps as much political credit from intergovernmental grants as the grantor.grants, voting, parties

The Effects of Partisan Alignment on the Allocation of Intergovernmental Transfers. Differences-in-Differences Estimates for Spain

In this paper we test the hypothesis that municipalities aligned with upper-tier grantor governments (i.e., controlled by the same party) will receive more grants than those that are unaligned. We use a rich Spanish database, which provides information on grants received by nearly 900 municipalities during the period 1993-2003 from three different upper-tier governments (i.e., Central, Regional and Upper-local). Since three elections were held at each tier during this period, we have enough within-municipality variation in partisan alignment to provide differences-in-differences estimates of the effects of alignment on the amount of grants coming from each source. Moreover, the fact that a municipality may simultaneously receive grants from aligned and unaligned grantors allows us to use a triple-differences estimator, which consists of estimating the effects of changing alignment status on the change in grants coming from the aligned grantors relative to the change in grants coming from the unaligned ones. The results suggest that partisan alignment has a sizeable positive effect on the amount of grants received by municipalities.grant allocation, alignment, electoral competition

The effects of partisan alignment on the allocation of intergovernmental transfers. Differences-in-differences estimates for Spain

In this paper we test the hypothesis that municipalities aligned with upper-tier grantor governments (i.e., controlled by the same party) will receive more grants than those that are unaligned. We use a rich Spanish database, which provides information on grants received by nearly 900 municipalities during the period 1993-2003 from three different upper-tier governments (i.e., Central, Regional and Upper-local). Since three elections were held at each tier during this period, we have enough within-municipality variation in partisan alignment to provide differences-in-differences estimates of the effects of alignment on the amount of grants coming from each source. Moreover, the fact that a municipality may simultaneously receive grants from aligned and unaligned grantors allows us to use a triple-differences estimator, which consists of estimating the effects of changing alignment status on the change in grants coming from the aligned grantors relative to the change in grants coming from the unaligned ones. The results suggest that partisan alignment has a sizeable positive effect on the amount of grants received by municipalities. Length: 33 pagesgrant allocation, alignment, electoral competition

Pushdown Compression

The pressing need for eficient compression schemes for XML documents has recently been focused on stack computation [6, 9], and in particular calls for a formulation of information-lossless stack or pushdown compressors that allows a formal analysis of their performance and a more ambitious use of the stack in XML compression, where so far it is mainly connected to parsing mechanisms. In this paper we introduce the model of pushdown compressor, based on pushdown transducers that compute a single injective function while keeping the widest generality regarding stack computation. The celebrated Lempel-Ziv algorithm LZ78 [10] was introduced as a general purpose compression algorithm that outperforms finite-state compressors on all sequences. We compare the performance of the Lempel-Ziv algorithm with that of the pushdown compressors, or compression algorithms that can be implemented with a pushdown transducer. This comparison is made without any a priori assumption on the data's source and considering the asymptotic compression ratio for infinite sequences. We prove that Lempel-Ziv is incomparable with pushdown compressors

Childhood trauma as a transdiagnostic risk factor for major psychiatric conditions: A meta-analysis

Background: Childhood trauma (CT) was shown to increase the risk for multiple forms of adult psychiatric disorders, such as bipolar disorder, major depression (MD), and schizophrenia spectrum disorder. Previous research points to general mechanisms linking childhood traumatic experiences and adult psychopathology, which are not specific for psychiatric diagnostic entities. A transdiagnostic approach that cuts across traditional diagnostic categories provides an inclusive picture for understanding research in this field. Transdiagnostic risk factors are factors occurring across multiple disorders that contribute to the aetiology and/ or maintenance of a range of pathologies. This meta-analysis aims to determine if CT can be considered a transdiagnostic risk factor for the development of severe mental disorders: schizophrenia spectrum disorder, bipolar disorder, and major depression (MD); and analysing the role of different CT domains: physical abuse (PA), emotional abuse (EA), sexual abuse (SA), emotional neglect (EN), and physical neglect (PN). Methods: We conducted a systematic literature search in two bibliographic databases: PubMed and Web of Science. We included articles reporting CT among patients with major psychiatric disorders (schizophrenia spectrum disorder, bipolar disorder, and MD) and healthy controls (HC). We calculated Hedge’s g effect sizes of the CT total scores and the CT domains (PA, EA, SA, EN, and PN) in the three pathologies using random-effects models. To examine the transdiagnostic aspects, we conducted subgroup analyses comparing the effect sizes of CT and its subtypes in the three major psychiatric conditions. Results: In total, 97 studies met our inclusion criteria. We found that the effect sizes of CT total scores were large in schizophrenia spectrum disorder (g=0.83, 95%-CI: 0.70-0.97), bipolar disorder (g=0.84, 95%-CI: 0.69-0.98), and MD (g=0.91, 95%-CI: 0.76-1.05) with no significant transdiagnostic differences in the subgroup analysis. All CT domains had moderate to large effects in the three psychiatric diagnoses compared to healthy controls. In the transdiagnostic comparison, we found significantly higher effect sizes for EA and EN in MD than in schizophrenia spectrum disorder. Conclusions: Our results provide strong evidence of the link between CT and adult psychopathology, identifying CT as a powerful transdiagnostic risk factor for the development of psychiatric disorders. The findings of our meta-analysis bear important implications for future research, clinical practice, and public health approaches

Corruption scandals, press reporting, and accountability. Evidence from Spanish mayors.

We analyse the effects of local corruption on electoral outcomes with Spanish data. Based upon press reports published between 1996 and 2009, we are able to construct a novel database on corruption scandals and news related to bribe-taking in exchange for amendments to land use plans. Our data show that local corruption scandals first emerged during the 1999-2003 term, but that they peaked just before the 2007 elections. We estimate an equation for the incumbents vote share at this electoral contest and find the average vote loss after a corruption scandal to be around 4%, and the effect to be greater for cases receiving wide newspaper coverage (up to 9%). The effects found for the 2003 elections are much lower. When we consider cases in which the incumbent has been charged with corruption and press coverage has been extensive the vote loss can rise to 12%. However, press reports have a negative impact on the vote even when no judicial charges have been brought.voting, corruption, accountability

Corruption scandals, press reporting, and accountability. Evidence from Spanish mayors

We analyse the effects of local corruption on electoral outcomes with Spanish data. Based upon press reports published between 1996 and 2009, we are able to construct a novel database on corruption scandals and news related to bribe-taking in exchange for amendments to land use plans. Our data show that local corruption scandals first emerged during the 1999-2003 term, but that they peaked just before the 2007 elections. We estimate an equation for the incumbent’s vote share at this electoral contest and find the average vote loss after a corruption scandal to be around 4%, and the effect to be greater for cases receiving wide newspaper coverage (up to 9%). The effects found for the 2003 elections are much lower. When we consider cases in which the incumbent has been charged with corruption and press coverage has been extensive the vote loss can rise to 12%. However, press reports have a negative impact on the vote even when no judicial charges have been brought.voting, accountability, corruption