54 research outputs found

    The oppressive boss and workers' authoritarianism:effect of voice suppression by supervisors on employees' authoritarian political attitudes

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    This study examines the relationship between employee voice suppression by workplace authorities (i.e. supervisors) and the formation of employees' attitudes towards political authority. We test whether the effect of experienced voice suppression by supervisors on employees' preference for authoritarian governance is positive, negative or nonlinear. The hypotheses are tested on original data gathered within the Dutch Work and Politics Survey 2017 (N = 7599), which allows for a wide range of demographic and organisational control variables. The results favour a nonlinear effect of suppression on employees' authoritarianism. These results support the notion that political attitudes are dynamic and that the workplace plays a role in shaping them

    Peer influence on protest participation:Communication and trust between co-workers as inhibitors or facilitators of mobilization

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    Contains fulltext : 162925.pdf (publisher's version ) (Closed access)In this article, we investigate how communication and trust networks between employees affect participation in a strike. We analyze whether the strength of network relations is related to congruence in strike behavior using social network data on 59 Dutch workers. We find that private communication networks and trust networks lead to similar strike behavior. This finding indicates that networks not only promote protest mobilization but are also vehicles for demobilization, albeit through different network relations

    Good Workers and Crooked Bosses:The Effect of Voice Suppression by Supervisors on Employees' Populist Attitudes and Voting

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    This study is the first to explore the effect of political socialization in the workplace on populist attitudes. We investigate the effect of workplace voice suppression on employees' populist attitudes and voting. We expect employees who were suppressed by supervisors to hold more populist attitudes and to be more likely to vote for a populist party than employees who were not. We argue that some employees experience voice suppression by supervisors as stressful, so splitting is likely to be employed as a defense mechanism. Splitting is achieved through cognitive distinction and antagonism between "the good workers" and "the crooked bosses." Such a split mental framework can generalize into a worldview that contrasts "the pure people" and "the corrupt elite," a core characteristic of populism. We predict that the extent to which suppression triggers splitting and consequentially incites populist attitudes and voting depends on employees' acceptance of power distance. We test our hypotheses using SEM on survey data from 2990 members of the Dutch labor force. Our results show that experiences of voice suppression are positively related to populist attitudes and populist voting. As expected, this effect is stronger for employees who are less accepting of power distance

    There is little evidence citizens with populist attitudes are less democratic

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    A great deal of research has been conducted on the impact of populist parties on democracy, but do populist voters think differently about democracy than the rest of the electorate? Drawing on recent research, Andrej Zaslove, Bram Geurkink, Kristof Jacobs and Agnes Akkerman explain that individuals with populist attitudes are slightly more in favour of democracy, less likely to protest, and more supportive of referendums and deliberative forms of political participation than those who are less populist

    The workplace as a source of ethnic tolerance? Studying interethnic contact and interethnic resources at work in the Netherlands

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    This study combines insights from contact theory and social capital literature to study how ethnic diversity at work is associated to ethnic tolerance. It is argued that workplace ethnic diversity is related to ethnic tolerance in two ways: through interethnic contact and through interethnic social resources. The interrelation between these two mechanisms is also considered. The study relies on unique workplace survey data from the Netherlands (N = 3800) with information on ethnic tolerance, measured as support for immigrant entitlements. The results show that ethnic diversity in the workplace is positively related to interethnic contact and interethnic resources at work, and both of these are positively related to ethnic tolerance. However, the initial positive effect of interethnic contact on support for immigrant entitlements is mediated by interethnic resources, thereby showing that the interethnic resources mechanism is more insightful as to how ethnically diverse workplaces matter for ethnic tolerance

    Union Competition and Strikes: The Need for an Analysis at the Sector Level

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    International comparative research has found that strike incidence is higher where two or more unions bargain with an employer (“multi-unionism”), as is common in most European countries, than where only one union does, all else equal. Two proposed explanations for this relationship, both invoking inter-union rivalry as the main dynamic, are that under multi-unionism, unions (a) make propagandistic use of strikes to attract members, or (b) compete with each other by bidding up bargaining demands. To date, the evidence bearing on these hypotheses has been equivocal because, the author argues, researchers have focused on activity at the national level rather than at the lower levels that are more commonly the nexus for strike formation. The author performs empirical tests using industry-sector-level data for seven European countries for the years 1990–2006, and finds evidence clearly favoring the competitive bargaining hypothesis over the propaganda hypothesis
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