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    The International Political Economy of American Exceptionalism: A Historical Typology of Liberal Hegemony

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    ๋งŽ์€ ๊ตญ์ œ๊ด€๊ณ„ํ•™์ž๋“ค๊ณผ ๊ตญ์ œ๋ฌธ์ œ ๋น„ํ‰์ž๋“ค์€ 1990๋…„๋Œ€ ์ดํ›„ ๋ฏธ๊ตญ์˜ ๋Œ€์™ธ์ •์ฑ…์„ ๋‹ค์ž์ฃผ์˜ ๋Œ€ ์ผ๋ฐฉ์ฃผ์˜์˜ ๊ตฌ๋„์—์„œ ๋˜๋Š” ๊ตญ์ง€์  ๋ถ„์Ÿ ๊ฐœ์ž…์„ ๋‘˜๋Ÿฌ์‹ผ ๊ตฌ์ฒด์  ๋…ผ์Ÿ์˜ ๊ฒฌ์ง€์—์„œ ๋ถ„์„ํ•ด์™”๋‹ค. ์ด๋Ÿฌํ•œ ์ง€๋ฐฐ์  ๋‹ด๋ก ์€ ์œ ์ผํ•œ ์ดˆ๊ฐ•๋Œ€๊ตญ์ธ ๋ฏธ๊ตญ์˜ ๋Œ€์™ธ์ •์ฑ…๊ณผ ์„ธ๊ณ„์ „๋žต์„ ์ •ํ™•ํžˆ ์ดํ•ดํ•˜๋Š” ๋ฐ๋Š” ๋ถˆ์ถฉ๋ถ„ํ•˜๋‹ค. ๊ทธ๊ฒƒ์€ ๊ฑด๊ตญ ์ดํ›„ ๋ฏธ๊ตญ์˜ ๋Œ€์™ธ์ •์ฑ…์„ ๊ตญ์ œ์ฃผ์˜ ๋Œ€ ๊ณ ๋ฆฝ์ฃผ์˜, ๋‹ค์ž์ฃผ์˜ ๋Œ€ ์ผ๋ฐฉ์ฃผ์˜, ๋„ˆ๊ทธ๋Ÿฌ์šด ํŒจ๊ถŒ๊ตญ ๋Œ€ ์ธ์ƒ‰ํ•œ ํŒจ๊ถŒ๊ตญ ๋“ฑ์˜ ์ด๋ถ„๋ฒ•๋“ค๋กœ ๋‹จ์ˆœํ™”์‹œ์ผœ ์ดํ•ดํ•˜๋„๋ก ๋งŒ๋“ค ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ๊ธฐ ๋•Œ๋ฌธ์ด๋‹ค. ์‹ค์ œ์˜ ๊ตญ์ œ์ฒด์ œ ์šด์šฉ์€ ํŒจ๊ถŒ๊ตญ์œผ๋กœ์„œ์˜ ๋ฏธ๊ตญ๊ณผ ์ƒ๋Œ€๊ตญ(๋“ค)๊ฐ„์˜ ์•ˆ๋ณด์ , ์ •์น˜๊ฒฝ์ œ์  ์ƒํ˜ธ์ž‘์šฉ์„ ํ†ตํ•ด ์ด๋ฃจ์–ด์ง€๋ฉฐ, ๊ทธ ๊ณผ์ •์˜ ์ •ํ™•ํ•œ ์ดํ•ด๋Š” ๊ฐ๊ตญ์˜ ๊ตญ๋‚ด์ •์น˜๊ฒฝ์ œ, ํŠนํžˆ ๊ทธ๊ฒƒ์ด ์ง€ํ–ฅํ•˜๋Š” ์‚ฌํšŒ์  ๋ชฉ์ ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ๋ถ„์„์„ ํ•„์š”๋กœ ํ•œ๋‹ค. ์ด ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์€ ๋ฏธ๊ตญ ํŒจ๊ถŒํ–‰์‚ฌ์˜ ํ•œ ์—ญ์‚ฌ์  ์œ ํ˜•๋ก ์„ ์ œ์‹œํ•˜๋ฉฐ, ๊ทธ ๋ฐฉ๋ฒ•์œผ๋กœ ๊ตญ๋‚ด์ •์น˜๊ฒฝ์ œ์— ๊ด€ํ•œ ์ด๋…์ฒด๊ณ„๋กœ์„œ ๋ฏธ๊ตญ ์˜ˆ์™ธ์ฃผ์˜์™€ ๋Œ€์™ธ์ •์ฑ…์˜ ์—ฐ๊ด€์„ ์—ญ์‚ฌ์ ์œผ๋กœ ์ถ”์ ํ•œ๋‹ค. ์ฆ‰ ๋ฏธ๊ตญ ๊ตญ๋‚ด์ •์น˜๊ฒฝ์ œ์˜ ์˜ˆ์™ธ์„ฑ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ๊ณ„์ธก์„ ํ•˜๋‚˜์˜ ๋Œ€์™ธ์ •์ฑ… ๊ธฐ์กฐ๋กœ์„œ์˜ ๊ตญ์ œ์ฃผ์˜ ๋˜๋Š” ๊ตญ์ œ์  ๊ฐœ์ž…์ฃผ์˜์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ๋น„๊ต์—ญ์‚ฌ๋ถ„์„๊ณผ ๊ฒฐํ•ฉ์‹œํ‚จ๋‹ค. ๊ตญ๋‚ด์ •์น˜๊ฒฝ์ œ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ํ•˜๋‚˜์˜ ์ œ๋„ํ™”๋œ ์ด๋…์ฒด๊ณ„๋กœ์„œ์˜ ๋ฏธ๊ตญ ์˜ˆ์™ธ์ฃผ์˜๊ฐ€ ํŠน์ •ํ•œ ๊ตญ๋‚ด์ , ์ฒด๊ณ„์  ์ˆ˜์ค€์˜ ์กฐ๊ฑด๋“ค ํ•˜์—์„œ ํ‘œ์ถœ๋˜๋Š” ์–‘ํƒœ์— ๋”ฐ๋ผ ๊ตญ์ œ์ฃผ์˜์˜ ์ •์ฑ…์  ํŒจํ„ด์€ ๋‹ฌ๋ผ์ง„๋‹ค.This article provides a historical typology of liberal hegemony exercised by the United States by incorporating two different measures of the country's political economy: exceptionalism and internationalism. Exceptionalism is defined as the extent to which the U.S. domestic political economy is committed to defending its own rules, norms, and procedures that govern liberal capitalism in response to illiberal political economies of other countries. It varies from intensive to extensive, depending on whether the U.S. tries to build institutional walls that keep illiberal pressures from penetrating inwards or to impose its own standard for governing the political economy on other countries. Internationalism as the U.S. policy stance toward the rest of the world also varies from unilateral to multilateral. Mixtures of varying values of exceptionalism and internationalism lead to a more systematic analytical framework in which U.S. foreign economic policies and their security effects may be examined. Four types of liberal hegemony are derived from mixing different values on exceptionalism and internationalism, and each of them is presented with a corresponding historical case. My historical typology is constructed by looking at how social purposes of the domestic political economy have changed over time. Type I is a combination of intensive exceptionalism and unilateral internationalism, which is exemplified by U.S. policies toward European reconstruction after the end of the First World War. The U.S. pushes for its own course of action without making a serious effort to persuade other countries to adopt the American way of doing business. Type II is a combination of intensive exceptionalism and multilateral internationalism, which is exemplified by U.S. foreign economic policy during the second New Deal. The U.S. defends its own model of political economy while engaging in multilateral endeavors on vital issues. Type III is a combination of extensive exceptionalism and multilateral internationalism, which is exemplified by U.S.-led trade liberalization during the Kennedy Round. The U.S. puts pressure upon other countries to adopt the American way by making itself subject to the multilateral framework. Type IV is a combination of extensive exceptionalism and unilateral internationalism, which is exemplified by the Clinton administration's economic sanctions. The U.S. urges other countries to adopt the American model of political economy without engaging in multilateral consultation. I argue that changing types of U.S. hegemony can be partly explained by measuring the fit between the U.S. and other models of political economy in terms of social purposes. The embedded liberalism compromise was accepted during the three decades after World War II largely because the United States and their European allies shared the social purpose of accommodating working-class demands through various welfare state programs. I conclude by suggesting the need for more multilateralism on the part of the United States as long as the countries participating in the U.S.-led hegemonic regime share many traits of the American model of governing the economy and society
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