13 research outputs found
Me too vs. Yo tambiรฉn
๋ฌธ์ฅ ๋ด์์ ๋์ฌ๊ฐ ์๋ต ํน์ ํ๋ฝ๋ ๋ ์ธ์นญ๋๋ช
์ฌ๊ฐ ์ทจํ๊ฒ ๋๋ ํํ์ ๊ด๋ จํ์ฌ ์์ด์ ์คํ์ธ์ด๋ ํฐ ์ฐจ์ด์ ์ ๋ณด์ฌ์ค๋ค. ์ด๋ฌํ ์ฐจ์ด์ ์ ๋ณด์ฌ์ฃผ๋ ๋ํ์ ์ธ ์ฌ๋ก๊ฐ ๋ฐ๋ก Me too์ Yo tambien์ด๋ค. ๋๋ค์์ ์คํ์ธ์ด ์ ๊ณต์๋ค์ ์ข
์ข
Me too์ ์์ํ๋ ํํ๋ก Me tambien์ด ๋ ์ ์๋ ์ด์ ๋ฅผ ์์ฃผ ๊ถ๊ธํด ํ๋ค. ๋ฐ๋ผ์ ๋ณธ ์ฐ๊ตฌ์ ๋ชฉํ๋ ์ธ์นญ๋๋ช
์ฌ์ ํํ์ ๊ด๋ จํ์ฌ ๋ ์ธ์ด ๊ฐ์ ์ฐจ์ด๊ฐ ๋ํ๋๋ ์ด์ ๋ฅผ ๊ต์ก์ ๊ด์ ์์ ์์ธํ ์ค๋ช
ํ๋ ๊ฒ์ด๋ค. ์ฒซ์งธ, ํ์๋ ์ด๋ฌํ ๋์กฐ๊ฐ ๋ชฉ์ ๊ฒฉ๋๋ช
์ฌ์ ํํ์ ์๋ฆฝ์ฑ ์ฌ๋ถ์ ๊น์ ๊ด๋ จ์ด ์์์ ์ฃผ์ฅํ๋ค. ์ฆ, ์์ด์ ๋ชฉ์ ๊ฒฉ๋๋ช
์ฌ๋ ์๋ฆฝํํ์์ธ ๋ฐ๋ฉด์ ์คํ์ธ์ด์ ๋ชฉ์ ๊ฒฉ๋๋ช
์ฌ๋ ์์กดํํ์์ด๊ธฐ ๋๋ฌธ์ Me too์ ์์ํ๋ ์คํ์ธ์ด์ ํํ์ผ๋ก Me tambien์ ๋ ์ ์๊ณ Yo tambien๋ง ๊ฐ๋ฅํ๊ฒ ๋๋ ๊ฒ์ด๋ค. ๋์งธ, ์คํ์ธ์ด ๋ฌธ์ฅ ๋ด์์ ๋ชฉ์ ๊ฒฉ๋๋ช
์ฌ๋ง ํ๋ก ๋จ๊ฒจ์ง ๊ฒฝ์ฐ์๋ a + ์ฌ๊ฒฉ๋๋ช
์ฌ ํํ(์: a mi)๊ฐ ์ฌ์ฉ๋๋ ํ์๊ณผ ๊ด๋ จํ์ฌ ๊ทธ ์ด์ ๋ฅผ ์ค๋ช
ํ๊ณ ์ ํ๋ค. ํ์๋ ์ด ํ์์ ์ผ์ข
์ ์ตํ์๋จ, ์ฆ ๋์ฒด๋ฅผ ํตํ ๊ต์ (repair by substitution)์ ์ผํ์์ ์ฃผ์ฅํ๊ณ ์ ํ๋ค. a + ์ฌ๊ฒฉ๋๋ช
์ฌ ํํ๋ ๋ชฉ์ ๊ฒฉ๋๋ช
์ฌ์ ๋์ผํ ๊ธฐ๋ฅ์ ์ํํ ๋ฟ๋ง ์๋๋ผ ๋ชฉ์ ๊ฒฉ๋๋ช
์ฌ์๊ฒ ๊ฒฐ์ฌ๋ ํํ์ ์๋ฆฝ์ฑ์ ๊ฐ์ถ๊ณ ์๋ค. ๋ฐ๋ก ์ด๋ฐ ์ด์ ๋๋ฌธ์ ๋์ฌ๊ฐ ์๋ต๋๋ ๊ฒฝ์ฐ์๋ a + ์ฌ๊ฒฉ๋๋ช
์ฌ ํํ๊ฐ ํํ์ ์๋ฆฝ์ฑ์ด ์๋ ๋ชฉ์ ๊ฒฉ๋๋ช
์ฌ๋ฅผ ๋ฐ๋์ ๋์ฒดํ๊ฒ ๋๋ ๊ฒ์ด๋ค.English and Spanish show a big difference regarding the form of
personal pronouns when the verb is ellipted(Bare DP constructions). The most
well-known example of the difference is Me too vs. Yo tambiรฉn. Many Korean
students of Spanish often wonder why Spanish, unlike English, disallows *Me
tambiรฉn as the corresponding expression to Me too. Thus, the aimof this paper
is to give a detailed account of this contrast from a pedagogical point of view.
Firstly, I argue that the contrast has much to do with morphological autonomy of
the objective pronoun: the English objective pronoun is an independent
morpheme, whereas the Spanish counterpart is a bound morpheme, which
means that it cannot be used in the absence of the verb. For this reason, the
Spanish corresponding expression to Me too is not *Me tambiรฉn but Yo
tambiรฉn. Secondly, I try to give an answer to the question of why the a + oblique
pronoun should be used when the objective pronoun remains alone within the
sentence. I claim that this is also due to lack of morphological independence of
the Spanish objective pronoun and that the use of a + oblique pronoun is a kind
of last resort to solve the problem, that is, an instance of repair by substitution:
this form not only plays the same functional roles as the objective pronoun, but
also has morphological independence that the objective pronoun lacks. This is
why a + oblique pronoun is required to replace the objective pronoun when the
verb undergoes ellipsis or gapping.years later
Comparative Study on Pro-drop: Pedagogical Approach
the purpose of this paper is to examine the so called "pro-drop phenomenon" in Korean and Spanish. These languages are very different in many respects, but they seem to be similar with respect to this phenomenon: both of them allow the subject position to be empty. Firstly, we wonder why Korean students tend to use explicit personal pronoun in the subject position when they speak in Spanish. We argue that this is due to the fact that the pro-drop mechanism does not apply uniformly in these languages and that Korean affects :negatively" in Spanish learning. Secondly, we try to answer why Spanish shows subject-object contrast with respect to licensing an empty category. To answer the question, firstly we assume that two elements participate "compositionally" in licensing an empty category in Spnish: (i) antecedent in the discourse and (ii) identification feature of Agr(AgrS, AgrO). Given this assumption, we conclude that object-drop is not allowed because one of these two conditions is not satisfied: (ii), whereas subject-drop is permitted because both of them are satisfied
๋ผํด์๋ฉ๋ฆฌ์นด ์ขํ ์ง์์ ๋ฃฐ๋ผํ
90๋
๋ ํ๋ฐ ์ด๋ ๋ผํด์๋ฉ๋ฆฌ์นด๋ ์ ํํ ์ฉ์ด๋ ์์ง๋ง ์์ ํฌ์คํธ ์ ์์ ์ฃผ์๋ผ๊ณ ๋ถ๋ฅด๋ ์ผ๋ จ์ ๋ณํ๋ฅผ ๊ฒช์ด์๋ค. ์์ฝฐ๋๋ฅด ๋ํต๋ น ๋ผํ์ ์ฝ๋ ์๋ ์ด๋ฅผ ์๋์ ๋ณํ๋ก ๋ช
๋ช
ํ์๋ค. ์ด๋ฌํ ๋ณํ๋ ๋ ๋ถ๋ฅ์ ์ขํ ์ง์์ผ๋ก ๋ถ๋ฅํ๋ ๊ฒ์ผ๋ก๋ ๋ถ์กฑํ ๋งํผ ๋ค์ํ ๋ณํ๋ฅผ ๊ฐ๋ฆฌํจ๋ค. ์๋ฐ๋ก ๋ฐ๋ฅด๊ฐ์ค ์์ฌ๊ฐ ์ด์๋ก ์ ๋น์ ๋ฅผ ํตํด ์ฑ์์ฑ ์ขํ(์น ๋ , ๋ธ๋ผ์ง, ์ฐ๋ฃจ๊ณผ์ด)์ ์ก์์ฑ ์ขํ(๋ฒ ๋ค์์๋ผ, ๋ณผ๋ฆฌ๋น์, ์์ฝฐ๋๋ฅด)๋ก ๋๋๋ ์ด๋ฌํ ๊ตฌ๋ถ์ ์์ฃผ ๋ค์ํ ๊ด์ ์ ๋ถ์์ ๊ฑฐ์น ๊ณผ์ ์ ์ง๋์น๊ฒ ๋จ์ํ ์ํฌ ์ํ์ด ์์ ๋ฟ๋ง ์๋๋ผ ๋ ์ขํ ์ง์ ๊ฐ์ ํฉ์น์ ์ ํฌ์ฐฉํด๋ด๋๋ฐ๋ ์คํจํ๊ณ ์๋ค. ๋ ๊ธ์ง ์ขํ์ ์๊ฐ์์ ํ๋ช
์ ๋ถ๊ฐ ๊ฐํ์ ๋ถ๋ณด๋ค ์ข๋ ๋ซ๋ค๊ณ ๋ณด๋ฉด์ ์์ฃผ ์ธ์ธํ ๋ถ๋ฅ๋ฅผ ํ๋ ์ฌ๋๋ค์์๋ ์ ์ฌํ ๋ฌธ์ ์ ์ ์๊ณ ์๋ค. ์ต๊ทผ ใ๋ด์ํ์์ฆใ์ง์ ์ค๋ฆฐ ์ฅ๋ฌธ์ ์ฌ์ค์์ ์ ์คํจ์ด๋ผ๋ ์ฉ์ด ์ฌ์ฉ์ ํตํด ์๋ณด ๋ชจ๋๋ ์ค์ ๊ฑฐ์๊ฒฝ์ ์ ํ๋์ ์นญ์ฐฌํ๊ณ ์๋ ์ , ์๋ฅดํจํฐ๋์ ์์๊ถ๋ ฅ์ง๋จ ์ผ๊ฐ์ง ใ๋์์จใ์ด ๊ธฐ์ฌ์ ๋ณผ๋ฆฌ๋น์, ์ฃผ๋ชฉ์ ๋๋ค๋ผ๋ ์ ๋ชฉ์ ๋ถ์ธ ๊ฒ, ๊ทธ๋ฆฌ๊ณ CNN ๋ฐฉ์ก ํ๋ก์ธ ๋๋ค๋ก(Dinero)์์ ๋ณผ๋ฆฌ๋น์๋ 2005๋
์ด๋ ์ต๊ณ ๋ผ๊ณ ๋งํ๋ฉด์ ๋ณผ๋ฆฌ๋น์๋ฅผ ํฌ๊ฒ ์นญ์ฐฌํ ์ ์ ์ด๊ด์ ์ธ ๋ฐํฌํฐ๋ฆฌ์ฆ์ฃผ์์๋ค ๋ฟ๋ง ์๋๋ผ ๋ณผ๋ฆฌ๋น์์์ ์๋ณธ์ฃผ์๋ก์ ์ ํ์ด ์ผ์ด๋๊ณ ์๋ค๊ณ ๋ฏฟ๋ ์ฌ๋๋ค์๊ฒ๋ ๋ถ๋ช
ํ ๊ฒฝ๊ณ ๋ฅผ ๋์ง๊ณ ์๋ค
On the Grammatical Category of excepto
๋ณธ ์ฐ๊ตฌ๋ 2014๋
ํ๊ตญ์คํ์ธ์ด๋ฌธํํ ๊ฒจ์ธ ํ์ ๋ํ(์์ธ๋)์์ ๋ฐํ๋ ๋
ผ๋ฌธ์ ์์ ๋ณด์ํ ๊ฒ์ด๋ค.๋ณธ ์ฐ๊ตฌ์ ๋ชฉํ๋ excepto์ ๋ฌธ๋ฒ๋ฒ์ฃผ๋ฅผ ๊ท๋ช
ํ๋ ๊ฒ์ด๋ค. ๋๋ค์์ ์คํ์ธ์ด ํ์ต์๋ค์ excepto ๋ค์ ๋ช
์ฌ๊ฐ ์ถํํ ์ ์๋ค๋ ์ฌ์ค์ ๊ทผ๊ฑฐํ์ฌ ์ด ์์๋ฅผ ์ ์น์ฌ๋ก ๊ฐ์ฃผํ๊ณ ์๋ค. ๋ํ, ๋๋ค์์ ์ฌ์ ๊ณผ ๋ฌธ๋ฒ์ฑ
์์๋ excepto๋ฅผ ์ ์น์ฌ๋ก ๋ถ๋ฅํ๊ณ ์๋ค. ๊ทธ๋ฌ๋ excepto๋ ์์ ์ ๋ค์ 1, 2์ธ์นญ ๋จ์ ๋๋ช
์ฌ๊ฐ ์ถํํ ๊ฒฝ์ฐ ์ฌ๊ฒฉํ์ด ์๋ ์ฃผ๊ฒฉํ์ผ๋ก ์คํ๋๋ค๋ ์ ์์ ์ ํ์ ์ธ ์ ์น์ฌ๋ค๊ณผ ํฐ ์ฐจ์ด์ ์ ๋ณด์ฌ์ค๋ค. ์ด๋ฐ ์ด์ ๋๋ฌธ์ ๋ณธ๊ณ ์์๋ excepto๋ ์ ์น์ฌ๊ฐ ์๋๋ผ๊ณ ์ฃผ์ฅํ๋ค. ํํธ, excepto๋ฅผ ๋ฑ์์ ์์ฌ๋ก ๋ณด๋ ๋ถ์์ excepto ๋ค์ ์ฃผ๊ฒฉํ์ด ์ถํํ๋ ํ์์ ์ค๋ช
ํ ์ ์๋ค๋ ์ฅ์ ์ด ์์ง๋ง ์ด ๋ถ์ ์ญ์ ์ฌ๋ฌ ๊ฐ์ง ๊ฒฝํ์ ๋ฌธ์ ์ ์ ์ง๋ฉดํ๋ค๊ณ ์ง์ ํ๋ค. ๋์ผ๋ก ๋ณธ๊ณ ์์๋ excepto๊ฐ ๋ถ๊ฐ์ด์ ์ ์ด๋๋ ๋ณด๋ฌธ์๋ผ๊ณ ์ฃผ์ฅํ๊ณ ๊ทธ๋ด ๊ฒฝ์ฐ ์ ์น์ฌ ๋ถ์๊ณผ ๋ฑ์์ ์์ฌ ๋ถ์์์ ์ค๋ช
์น ๋ชปํ๋ ๋ฌธ์ ์ ๋ค์ ํด๊ฒฐํ ์ ์์์ ๋ณด์ฌ์ค๋ค
A Study on the Korean Subjunctive Complementizer -ki
In this paper, based on the semantic and syntactic parallelism between Korean and Spanish, we propose that Korean also has a mechanism to distinguish the subjunctive mood from the indicative one: -ki is a subjunctive complementizer, while -ko is an indicative one. Korean and Spanish only differ in one aspect: in the former the morphological distinction between the two moods appears in Comp, while in the latter in Infl. Given this proposal, we try to account for the contrast between Korean and Spanish with respect to the disjoint reference effect: the Tense of the embedded subjunctive clauses in Spanish depends on that of the matrix clauses, while in Korean it is independent or referential, and so the binding domain of the embedded pronominal subject does not extend to the higher clauses. The absence of the disjoint reference effect in Korean is due to this
El Comp del Subjuntivo y la Gramรกtica Universal
El principal objetivo de este trabajo estriba en mostrar que el coreano, que hasta ahora se ha considerado una lengua sin forma de subjuntivo, tambiรฉn distingue el subjuntivo del indicativo como las lenguas romances, aunque esta distinciรณn no aparece en Infl sino en Comp. Proponemos que '-ki' es un complementante de subjuntivo, mientras que '-ka' es un complementante de indicativo. Teniendo en cuenta esta suposiciรณn, hemos intentado dar cuenta del contraste entre el espaรฑol y el coreano con respecto al efecto de referencia disjunta: el Tiempo de subjuntivo en espaรฑol es dependiente del de la clรกusula matriz, y ,por tanto, el domino de ligamiento del sujeto pronominal de la clรกusula incrustada se extiende a la clรกusula principal, mientras que el Tiempo de subjuntivo en coreano es independiente, y, por eso, el dominio opaco del sujeto pronominal de la clรกusula incrustada no se extiende a la clรกusula principal. La ausencia de dicho efecto en este idioma se debe a esto. Por รบltimo, hemos intentado explicar el contraste entre las clรกusulas de indicativo y las de subjuntivo con respecto a la legitimaciรณn de Tรฉrminos de Polaridad Negativa(TPN): en las clรกusulas de indicativo la particula '-ta' es el nรบcleo de SComp(SCโ), lo que impide la legitimaciรณn del TPN en las clรกusulas incrustadas. En cambio, en las clรกusulas de subjuntivo esta partรญcula no existe, y por tanto el TPN es legitimado por el comp negativo
์ ๋ ฅ์ฐ์ ์ ๊ตฌ์กฐ๊ฐํธ๊ณผ ๊ณ ์ฉ๊ด๊ณ์ ๋ณํ: ํธ์ฃผ ๋น ํ ๋ฆฌ์์ฃผ์ ๋ด์ฌ์ฐ์ค์จ์ผ์ฆ์ฃผ์ ๋น๊ต
Since 1990, the electricity industry in Australia has been in the process of restructuring. The States of Victoria and New South Wales have taken different approaches with regard to restructuring generation plants. In Victoria, the industry has been disaggregated and privatized, while New South Wales government has also fragmented the generating industry but has not privatized it. In Victoria the four major electricity generating companies have been sold to multinational consortiums, whereas in New South Wales, ownership remains in the hands of the State Government.
Despite the different ownership regimes, generating companies in the two States have become subject to competitive pressures. The restructuring has depoliticized the industry. Such development has major implications for management, workforce and unions in these companies.
This paper looks at the impacts and consequences of the different approaches to restructuring the industry for employment relations by comparing the recent experiences in the two States. One of the outstanding impacts of restructuring the electricity industry has been massive cuts in employment. The paper, however, reveals that the privatization route taken by the Victorian government has resulted in greater employment reductions in comparison with the level of employment losses in New South Wales. It draws attention to the fact that in Victoria employment losses before the sales of assets were far greater than those after privatization. Some features of changes in work organization and industrial relations are analyzed
A Study on the Absence of the that-t Effect in Spanish
๋ณธ ๋
ผ๋ฌธ์ ๋ชฉํ๋ ์ด๋ฒ ๋ฆฌ์ ๋ฐ๋ ์คํ์ธ์ด ๋ฐ ์นด๋ฆฌ๋ธ ์ฐ์ ์ง์ญ ์คํ์ธ์ด์ [๋ณด๋ฌธ์-ํ์ ] ํจ๊ณผ(that-trace effect) (cf. Chomsky & Lasnik 1977)์ ๋ถ์ฌ๋ฅผ ์ค๋ช
ํ๊ณ ์ ํ๋ ๋ฐ ์๋ค. ์ด ๊ณผ์ ์์ ์ต์์ฃผ์์ ๊ฐ๋
(Chomsky 1993, 1994, 1995)๋ค์ด ๋ง์ด ์ฌ์ฉ๋๊ฒ ๋ ๊ฒ์ด๋ค. ์๋ฆฌ์ ๋งค๊ฐ ๋ณ์ธ(principles & parameters)์ ํ
๋๋ฆฌ ๋ด์์ ์คํ์ธ์ด [๋ณด๋ฌธ์-ํ์ ] ํจ๊ณผ์ ๋ถ์ฌ๋ ์ฃผ์ด๊ฐ ์ฐ์ ๋์ฌํ ์์น(postverbal position)๋ก ์ด๋ํ ๋ค์ ๋ค์ ์ฃผ์ ๋ก ์๋ฌธ์ฌ ์ด๋์ ํ๋ ๋ฐ ๊ธฐ์ธํ๋ค๋ Rizzi (1982)์ ๋ถ์์ด ์ผ๋ฐ์ ์ผ๋ก ๋ฐ์๋ค์ฌ์ก์๋ค. ๊ทธ๋ฌ๋ ๋ณธ ๋
ผ๋ฌธ์์๋ ์ด๋ฌํ ๋ถ์์ด ์ต์์ด๋ก ๊ณผ ๋ง์ฐฐ์ ์ผ์ผํฌ ๋ฟ๋ง ์๋๋ผ ๊ฒฝํ์ ์ผ๋ก๋ ๋ฌธ์ ์ ์ด ์๋ค๋ ๊ฒ์ ์ง์ ํ
ํ ์๋ก์ด ๋์์ ๋ถ์์ ์ ์ํ๊ณ ์ ํ๋ค. ๋ณธ ์ฐ๊ตฌ๋ ๋ค์๊ณผ ๊ฐ์ด ๊ตฌ์ฑ๋๋ค. ์ 2์ ์์๋ ์คํ์ธ์ด์ [๋ณด๋ฌธ์-ํ์ ] ํจ๊ณผ์ ๋ถ์ฌ์ ๊ดํ ๊ธฐ์กด์ ์ค๋ช
์ ๊ฐ๋ตํ ์ดํด๋ณธ๋ค. ์ 3์ ์์๋ ๊ธฐ์กด์ ๋ถ์์ด ์ง๋๋ ์ด๋ก ์ ๏ผ๊ฒฝํ์ ๋ฌธ์ ์ ์ ์ง์ ํ๋ค. ์ 4์ ์์๋ [๋ณด
๋ฌธ์-ํ์ ] ํจ๊ณผ์ ๋ถ์ฌ์ ๊ดํ ๋์์ ๋ถ์์ด ์ ์๋๋ค. ์ 5์ ์์๋ ์ฐ๋ฆฌ์ ์ ์์ด ๋ถ๋ฌ ์ผ์ผํฌ ์ ์๋ ๋ฌธ์ ์ ๊ณผ ์ด์ ๋ํ ํด๊ฒฐ์์ด ์ ์๋๋ค. ์ 6์ ์์๋ ๋ณธ ์ฐ๊ตฌ์ ๊ฒฐ๋ก ์ด ๊ฐ๋ตํ ์ ์๋๋ฉฐ ๋ง์ง๋ง์ ๋ถ๋ก ๋ถ๋ถ์์๋ ์คํ์ธ์ด์[๋ณด๋ฌธ์-ํ์ ] ๋ถ์ฌ๋ฅผ ์ค๋ช
ํ ์ ์๋ ๋ ๋ค๋ฅธ ๊ฐ๋ฅํ ๋ฐฉ๋ฒ์ด ์ ์๋๋ค.
This paper tries to propose a new account of absence of the that-t effect in Spanish. Within the Principles and Parameters framework it has been widely assumed that suspension of the effect in Romance languages is due to the fact that the embedded subject firstly adjoins to VP and from this position undergoes long distance wh-movement (cf. Rizzรฌ 1982). However, I point out that this analysis enters into conflicts with minimalist assumptions (cf. Chomsky 1993, 1994, 1995). Every movement is for the checking of some features; feature checking always takes place in functional categories and therefore movement to a lexical categories like VP cannot be
allowed. In addition to this, I argue that the wh-extraction of the embedded subject is not from postverbal position but from preverbal one, Spec of IP
Light Polarization-Controlled Conversion of Ultrafast Coherent-Incoherent Exciton Dynamics in Few-Layer ReS2
Coherent light-matter interaction can transiently modulate the quantum states of matter under nonresonant laser excitation. This phenomenon, called the optical Stark effect, is one of the promising candidates for realizing ultrafast optical switches. However, the ultrafast modulations induced by the coherent light-matter interactions usually involve unwanted incoherent responses, significantly reducing the overall operation speed. Here, by using ultrafast pump-probe spectroscopy, we suppress the incoherent response and modulate the coherent-to-incoherent ratio in the two-dimensional semiconductor ReS2. We selectively convert the coherent and incoherent responses of an anisotropic exciton state by solely using photon polarizations, improving the control ratio by 3 orders of magnitude. The efficient modulation was enabled by transient superpositions of differential spectra from two nondegenerate exciton states due to the light polarization dependencies. This work provides a valuable contribution toward realizing ideal ultrafast optical switches.S.S. was supported by the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF) through the government of Korea (MSIP) (Grant NRF-2019R1F1A1063457). J.L., M.N., H.B., and H.C. were supported by the NRF through the government of Korea (MSIP) (Grant NRF-2018R1A2A1A05079060, the Creative Materials Discovery Program (Grant 2017M3D1A1040828), Scalable Quantum Computer Technology Platform Center (Grant 2019R1ASA1027055), and the Institute for Basic Science (IBS), Korea under Project Code IBS-R014-G1-2018-A1). D.L. and K.L. were supported from the U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF) under Grant CMMI-1825256. M.H.J. and S. Ch. were supported by the Institute for Basic Science (IBS), Korea (project code IBS-R014-A1)