13 research outputs found

    Comparative Study on Pro-drop: Pedagogical Approach

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    the purpose of this paper is to examine the so called "pro-drop phenomenon" in Korean and Spanish. These languages are very different in many respects, but they seem to be similar with respect to this phenomenon: both of them allow the subject position to be empty. Firstly, we wonder why Korean students tend to use explicit personal pronoun in the subject position when they speak in Spanish. We argue that this is due to the fact that the pro-drop mechanism does not apply uniformly in these languages and that Korean affects :negatively" in Spanish learning. Secondly, we try to answer why Spanish shows subject-object contrast with respect to licensing an empty category. To answer the question, firstly we assume that two elements participate "compositionally" in licensing an empty category in Spnish: (i) antecedent in the discourse and (ii) identification feature of Agr(AgrS, AgrO). Given this assumption, we conclude that object-drop is not allowed because one of these two conditions is not satisfied: (ii), whereas subject-drop is permitted because both of them are satisfied

    On the Grammatical Category of excepto

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    ๋ณธ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ๋Š” 2014๋…„ ํ•œ๊ตญ์ŠคํŽ˜์ธ์–ด๋ฌธํ•™ํšŒ ๊ฒจ์šธ ํ•™์ˆ ๋Œ€ํšŒ(์„œ์šธ๋Œ€)์—์„œ ๋ฐœํ‘œ๋œ ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์„ ์ˆ˜์ • ๋ณด์™„ํ•œ ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค.๋ณธ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ์˜ ๋ชฉํ‘œ๋Š” excepto์˜ ๋ฌธ๋ฒ•๋ฒ”์ฃผ๋ฅผ ๊ทœ๋ช…ํ•˜๋Š” ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. ๋Œ€๋‹ค์ˆ˜์˜ ์ŠคํŽ˜์ธ์–ด ํ•™์Šต์ž๋“ค์€ excepto ๋’ค์— ๋ช…์‚ฌ๊ฐ€ ์ถœํ˜„ํ•  ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ๋‹ค๋Š” ์‚ฌ์‹ค์— ๊ทผ๊ฑฐํ•˜์—ฌ ์ด ์š”์†Œ๋ฅผ ์ „์น˜์‚ฌ๋กœ ๊ฐ„์ฃผํ•˜๊ณ  ์žˆ๋‹ค. ๋˜ํ•œ, ๋Œ€๋‹ค์ˆ˜์˜ ์‚ฌ์ „๊ณผ ๋ฌธ๋ฒ•์ฑ…์—์„œ๋„ excepto๋ฅผ ์ „์น˜์‚ฌ๋กœ ๋ถ„๋ฅ˜ํ•˜๊ณ  ์žˆ๋‹ค. ๊ทธ๋Ÿฌ๋‚˜ excepto๋Š” ์ž์‹ ์˜ ๋’ค์— 1, 2์ธ์นญ ๋‹จ์ˆ˜ ๋Œ€๋ช…์‚ฌ๊ฐ€ ์ถœํ˜„ํ•  ๊ฒฝ์šฐ ์‚ฌ๊ฒฉํ˜•์ด ์•„๋‹Œ ์ฃผ๊ฒฉํ˜•์œผ๋กœ ์‹คํ˜„๋œ๋‹ค๋Š” ์ ์—์„œ ์ „ํ˜•์ ์ธ ์ „์น˜์‚ฌ๋“ค๊ณผ ํฐ ์ฐจ์ด์ ์„ ๋ณด์—ฌ์ค€๋‹ค. ์ด๋Ÿฐ ์ด์œ  ๋•Œ๋ฌธ์— ๋ณธ๊ณ ์—์„œ๋Š” excepto๋Š” ์ „์น˜์‚ฌ๊ฐ€ ์•„๋‹ˆ๋ผ๊ณ  ์ฃผ์žฅํ•œ๋‹ค. ํ•œํŽธ, excepto๋ฅผ ๋“ฑ์œ„์ ‘์†์‚ฌ๋กœ ๋ณด๋Š” ๋ถ„์„์€ excepto ๋’ค์— ์ฃผ๊ฒฉํ˜•์ด ์ถœํ˜„ํ•˜๋Š” ํ˜„์ƒ์„ ์„ค๋ช…ํ•  ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ๋‹ค๋Š” ์žฅ์ ์ด ์žˆ์ง€๋งŒ ์ด ๋ถ„์„ ์—ญ์‹œ ์—ฌ๋Ÿฌ ๊ฐ€์ง€ ๊ฒฝํ—˜์  ๋ฌธ์ œ์ ์— ์ง๋ฉดํ•œ๋‹ค๊ณ  ์ง€์ ํ•œ๋‹ค. ๋์œผ๋กœ ๋ณธ๊ณ ์—์„œ๋Š” excepto๊ฐ€ ๋ถ€๊ฐ€์–ด์ ˆ์„ ์ด๋„๋Š” ๋ณด๋ฌธ์†Œ๋ผ๊ณ  ์ฃผ์žฅํ•˜๊ณ  ๊ทธ๋Ÿด ๊ฒฝ์šฐ ์ „์น˜์‚ฌ ๋ถ„์„๊ณผ ๋“ฑ์œ„์ ‘์†์‚ฌ ๋ถ„์„์—์„œ ์„ค๋ช…์น˜ ๋ชปํ•˜๋Š” ๋ฌธ์ œ์ ๋“ค์„ ํ•ด๊ฒฐํ•  ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ์Œ์„ ๋ณด์—ฌ์ค€๋‹ค

    A Study on the Korean Subjunctive Complementizer -ki

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    In this paper, based on the semantic and syntactic parallelism between Korean and Spanish, we propose that Korean also has a mechanism to distinguish the subjunctive mood from the indicative one: -ki is a subjunctive complementizer, while -ko is an indicative one. Korean and Spanish only differ in one aspect: in the former the morphological distinction between the two moods appears in Comp, while in the latter in Infl. Given this proposal, we try to account for the contrast between Korean and Spanish with respect to the disjoint reference effect: the Tense of the embedded subjunctive clauses in Spanish depends on that of the matrix clauses, while in Korean it is independent or referential, and so the binding domain of the embedded pronominal subject does not extend to the higher clauses. The absence of the disjoint reference effect in Korean is due to this

    El Comp del Subjuntivo y la Gramรกtica Universal

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    El principal objetivo de este trabajo estriba en mostrar que el coreano, que hasta ahora se ha considerado una lengua sin forma de subjuntivo, tambiรฉn distingue el subjuntivo del indicativo como las lenguas romances, aunque esta distinciรณn no aparece en Infl sino en Comp. Proponemos que '-ki' es un complementante de subjuntivo, mientras que '-ka' es un complementante de indicativo. Teniendo en cuenta esta suposiciรณn, hemos intentado dar cuenta del contraste entre el espaรฑol y el coreano con respecto al efecto de referencia disjunta: el Tiempo de subjuntivo en espaรฑol es dependiente del de la clรกusula matriz, y ,por tanto, el domino de ligamiento del sujeto pronominal de la clรกusula incrustada se extiende a la clรกusula principal, mientras que el Tiempo de subjuntivo en coreano es independiente, y, por eso, el dominio opaco del sujeto pronominal de la clรกusula incrustada no se extiende a la clรกusula principal. La ausencia de dicho efecto en este idioma se debe a esto. Por รบltimo, hemos intentado explicar el contraste entre las clรกusulas de indicativo y las de subjuntivo con respecto a la legitimaciรณn de Tรฉrminos de Polaridad Negativa(TPN): en las clรกusulas de indicativo la particula '-ta' es el nรบcleo de SComp(SCโ‚‚), lo que impide la legitimaciรณn del TPN en las clรกusulas incrustadas. En cambio, en las clรกusulas de subjuntivo esta partรญcula no existe, y por tanto el TPN es legitimado por el comp negativo

    A Study on the Absence of the that-t Effect in Spanish

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    ๋ณธ ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์˜ ๋ชฉํ‘œ๋Š” ์ด๋ฒ ๋ฆฌ์•„ ๋ฐ˜๋„ ์ŠคํŽ˜์ธ์–ด ๋ฐ ์นด๋ฆฌ๋ธŒ ์—ฐ์•ˆ ์ง€์—ญ ์ŠคํŽ˜์ธ์–ด์˜ [๋ณด๋ฌธ์†Œ-ํ”์ ] ํšจ๊ณผ(that-trace effect) (cf. Chomsky & Lasnik 1977)์˜ ๋ถ€์žฌ๋ฅผ ์„ค๋ช…ํ•˜๊ณ ์ž ํ•˜๋Š” ๋ฐ ์žˆ๋‹ค. ์ด ๊ณผ์ •์—์„œ ์ตœ์†Œ์ฃผ์˜์  ๊ฐœ๋… (Chomsky 1993, 1994, 1995)๋“ค์ด ๋งŽ์ด ์‚ฌ์šฉ๋˜๊ฒŒ ๋  ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. ์›๋ฆฌ์™€ ๋งค๊ฐœ ๋ณ€์ธ(principles & parameters)์˜ ํ…Œ๋‘๋ฆฌ ๋‚ด์—์„œ ์ŠคํŽ˜์ธ์–ด [๋ณด๋ฌธ์†Œ-ํ”์ ] ํšจ๊ณผ์˜ ๋ถ€์žฌ๋Š” ์ฃผ์–ด๊ฐ€ ์šฐ์„  ๋™์‚ฌํ›„ ์œ„์น˜(postverbal position)๋กœ ์ด๋™ํ•œ ๋‹ค์Œ ๋‹ค์‹œ ์ฃผ์ ˆ๋กœ ์˜๋ฌธ์‚ฌ ์ด๋™์„ ํ•˜๋Š” ๋ฐ ๊ธฐ์ธํ•œ๋‹ค๋Š” Rizzi (1982)์˜ ๋ถ„์„์ด ์ผ๋ฐ˜์ ์œผ๋กœ ๋ฐ›์•„๋“ค์—ฌ์กŒ์—ˆ๋‹ค. ๊ทธ๋Ÿฌ๋‚˜ ๋ณธ ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์—์„œ๋Š” ์ด๋Ÿฌํ•œ ๋ถ„์„์ด ์ตœ์†Œ์ด๋ก ๊ณผ ๋งˆ์ฐฐ์„ ์ผ์œผํ‚ฌ ๋ฟ๋งŒ ์•„๋‹ˆ๋ผ ๊ฒฝํ—˜์ ์œผ๋กœ๋„ ๋ฌธ์ œ์ ์ด ์žˆ๋‹ค๋Š” ๊ฒƒ์„ ์ง€์ ํ•œ ํ›„ ์ƒˆ๋กœ์šด ๋Œ€์•ˆ์  ๋ถ„์„์„ ์ œ์‹œํ•˜๊ณ ์ž ํ•œ๋‹ค. ๋ณธ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ๋Š” ๋‹ค์Œ๊ณผ ๊ฐ™์ด ๊ตฌ์„ฑ๋œ๋‹ค. ์ œ 2์ ˆ์—์„œ๋Š” ์ŠคํŽ˜์ธ์–ด์˜ [๋ณด๋ฌธ์†Œ-ํ”์ ] ํšจ๊ณผ์˜ ๋ถ€์žฌ์— ๊ด€ํ•œ ๊ธฐ์กด์˜ ์„ค๋ช…์„ ๊ฐ„๋žตํžˆ ์‚ดํŽด๋ณธ๋‹ค. ์ œ 3์ ˆ์—์„œ๋Š” ๊ธฐ์กด์˜ ๋ถ„์„์ด ์ง€๋‹ˆ๋Š” ์ด๋ก ์ ๏ผŒ๊ฒฝํ—˜์  ๋ฌธ์ œ์ ์„ ์ง€์ ํ•œ๋‹ค. ์ œ4์ ˆ์—์„œ๋Š” [๋ณด ๋ฌธ์†Œ-ํ”์ ] ํšจ๊ณผ์˜ ๋ถ€์žฌ์— ๊ด€ํ•œ ๋Œ€์•ˆ์  ๋ถ„์„์ด ์ œ์‹œ๋œ๋‹ค. ์ œ5์ ˆ์—์„œ๋Š” ์šฐ๋ฆฌ์˜ ์ œ์•ˆ์ด ๋ถˆ๋Ÿฌ ์ผ์œผํ‚ฌ ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ๋Š” ๋ฌธ์ œ์ ๊ณผ ์ด์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ํ•ด๊ฒฐ์•ˆ์ด ์ œ์‹œ๋œ๋‹ค. ์ œ 6์ ˆ์—์„œ๋Š” ๋ณธ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ์˜ ๊ฒฐ๋ก ์ด ๊ฐ„๋žตํžˆ ์ œ์‹œ๋˜๋ฉฐ ๋งˆ์ง€๋ง‰์˜ ๋ถ€๋ก ๋ถ€๋ถ„์—์„œ๋Š” ์ŠคํŽ˜์ธ์–ด์˜[๋ณด๋ฌธ์†Œ-ํ”์ ] ๋ถ€์žฌ๋ฅผ ์„ค๋ช…ํ•  ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ๋Š” ๋˜ ๋‹ค๋ฅธ ๊ฐ€๋Šฅํ•œ ๋ฐฉ๋ฒ•์ด ์ œ์‹œ๋œ๋‹ค. This paper tries to propose a new account of absence of the that-t effect in Spanish. Within the Principles and Parameters framework it has been widely assumed that suspension of the effect in Romance languages is due to the fact that the embedded subject firstly adjoins to VP and from this position undergoes long distance wh-movement (cf. Rizzรฌ 1982). However, I point out that this analysis enters into conflicts with minimalist assumptions (cf. Chomsky 1993, 1994, 1995). Every movement is for the checking of some features; feature checking always takes place in functional categories and therefore movement to a lexical categories like VP cannot be allowed. In addition to this, I argue that the wh-extraction of the embedded subject is not from postverbal position but from preverbal one, Spec of IP

    ์ „๋ ฅ์‚ฐ์—…์˜ ๊ตฌ์กฐ๊ฐœํŽธ๊ณผ ๊ณ ์šฉ๊ด€๊ณ„์˜ ๋ณ€ํ™”: ํ˜ธ์ฃผ ๋น…ํ† ๋ฆฌ์•„์ฃผ์™€ ๋‰ด์‚ฌ์šฐ์Šค์›จ์ผ์ฆˆ์ฃผ์˜ ๋น„๊ต

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    Since 1990, the electricity industry in Australia has been in the process of restructuring. The States of Victoria and New South Wales have taken different approaches with regard to restructuring generation plants. In Victoria, the industry has been disaggregated and privatized, while New South Wales government has also fragmented the generating industry but has not privatized it. In Victoria the four major electricity generating companies have been sold to multinational consortiums, whereas in New South Wales, ownership remains in the hands of the State Government. Despite the different ownership regimes, generating companies in the two States have become subject to competitive pressures. The restructuring has depoliticized the industry. Such development has major implications for management, workforce and unions in these companies. This paper looks at the impacts and consequences of the different approaches to restructuring the industry for employment relations by comparing the recent experiences in the two States. One of the outstanding impacts of restructuring the electricity industry has been massive cuts in employment. The paper, however, reveals that the privatization route taken by the Victorian government has resulted in greater employment reductions in comparison with the level of employment losses in New South Wales. It draws attention to the fact that in Victoria employment losses before the sales of assets were far greater than those after privatization. Some features of changes in work organization and industrial relations are analyzed

    Light Polarization-Controlled Conversion of Ultrafast Coherent-Incoherent Exciton Dynamics in Few-Layer ReS2

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    Coherent light-matter interaction can transiently modulate the quantum states of matter under nonresonant laser excitation. This phenomenon, called the optical Stark effect, is one of the promising candidates for realizing ultrafast optical switches. However, the ultrafast modulations induced by the coherent light-matter interactions usually involve unwanted incoherent responses, significantly reducing the overall operation speed. Here, by using ultrafast pump-probe spectroscopy, we suppress the incoherent response and modulate the coherent-to-incoherent ratio in the two-dimensional semiconductor ReS2. We selectively convert the coherent and incoherent responses of an anisotropic exciton state by solely using photon polarizations, improving the control ratio by 3 orders of magnitude. The efficient modulation was enabled by transient superpositions of differential spectra from two nondegenerate exciton states due to the light polarization dependencies. This work provides a valuable contribution toward realizing ideal ultrafast optical switches.S.S. was supported by the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF) through the government of Korea (MSIP) (Grant NRF-2019R1F1A1063457). J.L., M.N., H.B., and H.C. were supported by the NRF through the government of Korea (MSIP) (Grant NRF-2018R1A2A1A05079060, the Creative Materials Discovery Program (Grant 2017M3D1A1040828), Scalable Quantum Computer Technology Platform Center (Grant 2019R1ASA1027055), and the Institute for Basic Science (IBS), Korea under Project Code IBS-R014-G1-2018-A1). D.L. and K.L. were supported from the U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF) under Grant CMMI-1825256. M.H.J. and S. Ch. were supported by the Institute for Basic Science (IBS), Korea (project code IBS-R014-A1)
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