The Achievements and Limitations of Researches That Make Use of Interviews for the History of Medicine in Korea

An interesting aspect of the many recent researches on the history of medicine in Korea is a concentration on oral histories, a trend that is sure to supplement the lack of medical documents and historical materials covering the modern period. This trend will also contribute to the invention of new approaches in the historiography of medicine. Although the fragments of oral testimony cannot be expected to give a perfect representation of historical reality, such “slices of life” help represent history from the viewpoint of ordinary people and members of the medical profession who are less often acknowledged. The recent researches that have taken oral testimony on the history of medicine in Korea have both racked up achievements as well as encountered limitations. First, many disciplines such as history, literature, cultural anthropology, folklore, sociology, and the history of medicine have used the technique of oral histories in the research approaches, and, especially since the start of the 2000s, have produced a variety of materials. The large amounts of raw materials published in these many disciplines are sure to bring even higher research achievements. Second, for the most part, oral history researches in the medical profession have concentrated on second-tier practitioners, such as midwives, apothecaries, and acupuncturists, and the experiences of such untypical sufferers as lepers and victims of germ and atomic warfare. While the oral history of more prominent medical figures tends to underline his or her story of success, the oral histories of minority participants in the medical profession and patients can reveal the truth that has remained veiled until now. It is especially meaningful that these oral histories enable researchers to reconstruct history from below, as it were. Third, the researches that take the oral history approach are intended to complement documentary records. Surprisingly, through being given the opportunity to tell their histories, the interviewees have frequently experienced the testimony as an act of self-healing. Formally, an oral history is not a medical practice, but in many cases the interviewee is able to realize his or her own identity and to affirm his or her own life’s story. It is in this light that we need to pay attention to the possibilities of such a humanistic form of therapy. Finally, because the research achievements depend on oral materials, the objectivity and rationality of description take on an important research virtue. When conducting an oral history, the researcher partakes of a close relationship with interviewees through persistent contact and can often identify with them. Accordingly, the researcher needs to take care to maintain a critical view of oral materials and adopt an objective perspective over his or her own research object.ope

The Korean Pharmaceutical Industry and the Expansion of the General Pharmaceuticals Market in the 1950-1960s*

After the Liberation, the Korean economy was dependent on relief supplies and aid after the ruin of the colonial regime and war. The pharmaceutical business also searched for their share in the delivery of military supplies and the distribution of relief supplies. The supply-side pharmaceutical policy made the pharmaceutical market a wholesale business. The gravity of the situation led to an increased importation of medical supplies, and wholesalers took the lead in establishing the distribution structure, whereas consumers and pharmaceutical business were relatively intimidated. The aid provided by the International Cooperation Administration (ICA) marked a turning point in the Korean pharmaceutical industry after the middle of the 1950s. ICA supplied raw materials and equipment funds, while the pharmaceutical business imported advanced technology and capital. The government invited the local production of medical substances, whereas pharmaceutical businesses replaced imported medical substances with locally produced antibiotics. After the 1960s, the production of antibiotics reached saturation. Pharmaceutical businesses needed new markets to break through the stalemate, so they turned their attention to vitamins and health tonics as general pharmaceuticals, as these were suitable for mass production and mass consumption. The modernized patent medicine market after the Opening of Korea was transformed into the contemporized general pharmaceuticals market equipped with the up-to-date facilities and technology in 1960s. Pharmaceutical businesses had to advertise these new products extensively and reform the distribution structure to achieve high profits. With the introduction of TV broadcasting, these businesses invested in TV advertising and generated sizable sales figures. They also established retail pharmacy and chain stores to reform the distribution structure. The end result was a dramatic expansion of the general pharmaceuticals market. The market for vitamins and health tonics showed particularly explosive growth. As Korean industrial workers worked night and day to increase exports in the 1960s, they needed vitamins and health tonics for recovery from fatigue and to support vitality. The expansion of the general pharmaceuticals market was accompanied by increases in numbers of pharmaceutical companies. Competition intensified between pharmaceutical companies, leading some companies to search for new survival plans. The pharmaceutical industry underwent structural reform in 1960s, replacing imported medical substances with local products and inventing the new market of general pharmaceuticals. The market for vitamins and health tonics was increased, and a successful product could support a pharmaceutical company. On the contrary, a general pharmaceutical could affect the very existence of the company: if a company chased a popular product and the imitation bubble burst, then the company have lost its competitiveness in the world market.ope

Unexpected success : the spread of manchurian plague and the response of Japanese colonial rule in Korea, 1910-1911

This paper aims to examine the spread of Manchurian plague and the response of the Japanese colonial government. Previous studies of this issue stressed the successful, albeit forced, preventative measures taken by the Japanese colonial government. However, this paper argues that Western powers did not agree with the new theory that pneumonic plague was transmitted through respiratory infections, as discovered by Wu Liande and promoted by Kitasato Shibasaburo. They continued to believe the old Japanese theory that the plague was transmitted through fleas from rodents. The Japanese colonial government focused on reducing the rat population to prevent the spread of plague. Moreover, they had no quarantine hospitals or other equipment, and epidemic prevention programs and measures were inadequate. The success of their efforts was due less to the measures taken by the Japanese colonial government than from the low influx of Chinese laborers into Korea.ope

The First and the Second Pneumonic Plague in Manchuria and the Preventive Measure of Japanese Colonial Authorities (1910-1921).

During the first plague epidemic in Manchuria (1910-1911), Japanese Government-General in Korea had not reported a plague patient at all in official. This did not mean the preventive measure of colonial authorities was successful. Their prevention program and measure were operated inadequately. They focused on instigative and sometimes irrelevant aspects such as rat removal to restore order in the colony. The quarantine facility was insufficient so that some people could not be effectively isolated. The reason pneumonic plague did not spread from Manchuria to Korea was mostly because Chinese coolie did not enter Korea. The colonial government promulgated Jeonyeombyeong Yebangryeong (Preventive Regulation of Contagious Disease) in June 5, 1915. This regulation aimed at unitary control by police and was strengthened 10-day quarantine. After the March First Movement, the colonial government tried to change imperial policy to cultural policy. The military police and civilian police were bifurcated and governors took charge of health administration. However, sanitary police still played important role for preventive measure. The preventive policy of colonial government experienced important change from cholera epidemic between 1919 and 1920. The death toll of two years had exceeded 20,000 people. During the cholera outbreak of two years, quarantine and isolation were emerged as important tools to prevent disease transmission, and were well-appointed more now than before. To prevent cholera epidemic, the colonial government strengthened house-to-house inspection as well as seaport quarantine, train quarantine, passenger quarantine. House-to-house inspection detected sixty percentage of cholera patients. When the second Manchurian plague spread in Korea in 1920-1921, this plague was known to Korean people as pneumonic plague. The colonial government propagated and educated pneumonic plague, and urged to wear a mask through Heuksabyeong Yebang Simdeuk (The Notandum for Plague Prevention). The colonial government did not focused on rat removal any more. They pointed out Chinese coolie as a source of infection. Though they did not know exact information and analysis on pneumonic plague, the preventive measure of the second plague in Manchuria was successful due to the well-equipped disinfection system such as house-to-house inspection and nationwide quarantine made by cholera prevention. While the first prevention of plague in Manchuria was successful despite rubbish preventive system, the second prevention of plague in Manchuria was successful due to the well-equipped disinfection system in spite of occurring plague patients.ope

미시사로 읽는 조선 사인의 의약생활

[서평] 신동원(2014), 조선의약생활사–환자를 중심으로 본 의료 2000년 , 들녘, 951쪽.최근 국내 의학사연구는 위로부터의 역사에서 아래로부터의 역사로 변화되고 있다고 할 정도로 사회사 혹은 미시사 중심의 연구가 주목받고 있다. 최근 필자는 북경똥장수라는 책을 냈는데, 이 책에서 중국인 노동자의 의료생활을 다룬 바 있다.1) 이 책을 낸 지 얼마 안 되어 신동원교수가 조선의약생활사: 환자를 중심으로 본 의료 2000년(들녘, 2014)을 출간하게 되었다. 신 교수는 책의 서문에서 미시사 서술을 지향하면서도 사회구조적 측면, 시대의 변화와 동인 등 거시적인 흐름을 놓치지 않기 위해 애썼다고 언급했는데, 이런 저술 의도는 필자의 것과 정확히 일치하는 것이었다. 같은 시기에 국내에서 출간된 저술목적이 유사한 흔치 않은 의료사회사에 관한 책을 접하고 보니, 전공 영역이 다름에도 불구하고 신 교수의 책에 관심을 갖지 않을 수 없었다

Eugenics Discourse and Racial Improvement in Republican China (1911-1949)

This paper aimed to examine the advent of eugenics and its characteristics in republican China. Although eugenics was introduced into China as a discourse to preserve and improve race by the 1898 reformers such as Yan Fu (1854-1921) and Yi Nai (1875-?) in the late imperial period, it was not until the republican period that eugenics discourse started to combine with the discourse and movement related to social reform. The May 4th intellectuals put forward criticisms of Confucian patriarchy, propagating science and democracy. They pointed out that the large family system was a source of every social evil, and argued the need for a small family system based on monogamy. The aim of the small family system was to improve both the race and the environment. Such thinkers argued that freedom of love and the liberation of individuality were necessary for this end. Zhou Jianren (1888-1984), Lu Xun's youngest brother and representative eugenicist in the May 4th period, combined eugenics with freedom of love and the liberation of individuality.0aPan Guangdan (1899-1967) and Zhou Jianren debated the eugenics controversy in the 1920s. They raised the freedom of love and the liberation of individuality as central issues related to the eugenics controversy. The eugenics debate was developed into the controversy between biological determinism and environmentalism in the late 1920s. However, these issues did not continue to be brought up in the 1930s. The main issues concerning the eugenics controversy in the 1930s were cultural identity and the population problem. Particularly in the 1930s, the scope of birth control as the solution to the population problem was extended from the individual person and family to nation and race.0aFor eugenicists like Pan Guangdan, birth control violated the aim of eugenics and brought about the degeneration of the race. However, such theorists did not deny the value of birth control itself. The supporters of birth control thought that selecting superior descendents and eliminating inferior descendents fit with the ideals of eugenics. They thought that the propagation of contraception could suppress the increase of inferior and weak descendents, and result in the improvement of the race.0aPhysicians suggested the necessity of birth control and organized birth control clinic, Chinese society did not pay attention to their arguments and activities in 1920s. After birth control made at issue from the 1930s, physicians started to discuss eugenics and play the important role in the medical practice. Chinese physicians passed a resolution of birth control for mothers and children's happiness and health and public health in 1930s.As a result, Chinese intellectuals supported eugenics and supported the proposition that eugenics could improve the race. On the basis of this situation, the Guomindang government legislated eugenic laws related to contraception, eugenic marriage, and sterilization and the isolation of hereditary defaulters in 1945ope

The Trend and Prospect of Studies of East Asian Medical History in Korea

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Reorganizing Hospital Space: The 1894 Plague Epidemic in Hong Kong and the Germ Theory

This paper examined whether the preventive measures taken by the Hong Kong’s colonial authorities were legitimate during the 1894 Hong Kong plague epidemic, and illuminated the correlation between the plague epidemic and hospital space in Hong Kong in the late 19th century. The quarantine measures taken by the colonial authorities were neither a clear-cut victory for Western medicine nor for a rational quarantine based on scientific medical knowledge. Hong Kong’s medical officials based on the miasma theory, and focused only on house-to-house inspections and forced quarantine or isolation, without encouraging people to wear masks and without conducting disinfection. Even after Hong Kong plague spread, the Hong Kong’s colonial authorities were not interested in what plague bacilli were, but in where they were to be found and how to prevent and control an outbreak of the disease. The germ theory brought significant changes to the disease classification system. Until the 1890s, Hong Kong’s colonial authority had classified cause of death mainly on the basis of symptoms, infectious diseases, parts of the body and diseases of systems. Microbiological analysis of the cause of death in Hong Kong was started by Hunter, a bacteriologist, in 1902. He used bacteriological tests with a microscope to analyze the cause of death. New disease recognition and medical recognition brought large changes to hospital space as well. In particular, from the 1880s to the early 1900s, Western medical circles witnessed shifts from miasma theory to the germ theory, thereby influencing Hong Kong’s hospital spaces. As the germ theory took ground in Hong Kong in 1894, the bacteriological laboratory and isolation ward became inevitable facilities, and hospital space were reorganized accordingly. However, the colonial authorities and local elites’ strategy was different. As a government bacteriologist, Hunter established a central facility to unify several laboratories and to manage urban space from ouside the hospital. On the contrary, the Tungwah Hospital tried to transform hospital space with isolation ward and Receiving Ward System as the eclectic form of Chinese and Western medicine. The 1894 Hong Kong plague promoted the introduction of germ theory and the reorganization of hospital space.ope

The Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai and Doctor’s Independence Movement: A Study on the Location of Medical Activity Sites

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Trade, Wars and the Venereal Disease: VD Epidemic and Control of Korea in the late Nineteen and early Twentieth Century

This paper examines the spread of venereal disease from the Opening of Korea to the early Japanese colonial period. It focuses on the formation and expansion of Japanese settlement in Korea, the influence of wars, and the state control of VD. The Opening of Korea made the foreign settlement, and Japanese licensed prostitution flourished in Japanese settlement. According to the First Annual Report of the Korean Government Hospital(1886) and Gyelimuisa(1887), VD patients occupied 18.3% of outpatients in Jejungwon hospital of Seoul and 8.9% of outpatients in Busan hospital. Directly after the Opening of Korea, Korean people's VD became lesser critical than Japanese people's VD. But the expansion of Japanese settlement and outbreak of two wars such as Sino-Japanese War and Russo-Japanese War made worse Korean people's VD. According to the Residency-General resources(1904-1909), syphilis patients was registered in 0.8∼ 6.6%(average 3.6%). If it add to gonorrhea and chancroid patients which often could not be found out by the naked eyes, the number of VD patients will be increase. Ji Seok-yeong(1855-1935), the earliest smallpox vaccinarian in Korea, asserted the need of VD control. Though he warned men bought sex as well as prostitutes became the main culprit of VD diffusion, he supported licensed prostitution because of realistic possibility. The Great Han Empire(1897-1910) tried to control the lower grade whore, and gathered prostitutes in some area by police power. After Japanese annexation of Korea, while Japanese has gradually decreased in VD patients, Korean has gradually increased in VD patientsope