'-이나'와 '-도'의 의미론: 분류사구와 결합하는 경우를 중심으로

This paper concerns the syntactic, semantic, prosodic, and pragmatic differences that Classifier Phrase(CLP)-ina and CLP-to display in Korean. We first characterize the syntactic-semantic differences between CLP-ina and CLP-to in positive/negative sentences, after/before-clauses, and their relative order in a negative sentence. Further we note the two reveal different scope behavior with other scope bearing elements: e.g., CLP-ina has scope over the negation or the comparative operator, while CLP-to has scope under these operators. To account for these, the paper analyzes CLP-to as a negative polarity expression and CLP-ina as a positive polarity expression. As a positive polarity expression, CLP-ina is interpreted as a focus and receives a focal accent. In contrast, as a negative polarity expression, CLP-to is interpreted as a presupositional or topical element in the discourse and does not receive a focal accent. Extending the claim of Lee, Chung, and Nams (2000), we claim that both CLP-ina and CLP-to denote a lower bound in the likelihood scale that is pragmatically determined in the discourse context.이 연구는 1998년 한국학술진흥재단 국제협력 공동연구지원 사업(KRF-1998-010-190)과 서울대학교 언어학과 언어정보연구센터의 지원을 받아 이루어졌다

처소논항 교체의 의미론: 자동사와 형용사를 중심으로

This paper proposes a semantic typology of intransitive verbs and adjectives in Korean which involve locative alternation: (i) sound emission predicates, (ii) light emission predicates, and (iii) predicates of full occupancy. The paper further notes that the typology is closely related to and supported by their argument structures and their frequency in alternating constructions: i.e., [LOCATION-nominative] vs. [LOCATION-locative]. The paper claims that (i) only [LOCATION-nom] construction implies holistic effect; (ii) the other argument NP in [LOCATION-nom] construction is interpreted as Cause (but not as Instrument) of the event of the sentence; (iii) another locative alternation between [LOCATION-ey] and [LOCATION-eyse] is allowed only in case the predicate lexically denotes an atelic aspectuality; (iv) if a [+human] nominal occurs as [LOCATION-nom], the NP is interpreted as a thematized location and the VP is an individual level predication of the thematized NP; and (v) another similar but different locative alternation with a source NP can also be analysed in terms of causative event structure. The paper formally characterizes the lexical meaning of locative alternation predicates in terms of event structure, argument structure, case structure, and qualia structure (Pustejovsky, 1995). The same analysis can be extended to transitive locative alternations

터널건조기내의 절단고추 건조 특성

학위논문(석사)--서울대학교 대학원 :생물자원공학부(농공학과) 농업기계전공,2000.Maste

한국어 이동 동사의 의미구조와 논항교체

This paper defines ‘¤movement verbs' as those which denote an event of location change, and characterizes their lexical semantic structures consisting of event-, argument-, case- and qualia- structures. The paper classifies and accounts for the argument alternations of the verbs in terms of under-specification of event structure. Events of location change involve a moving object and its trajectory; the former is denoted by AGENT or THEME argument and the latter is denoted by a locative argument (SOURCE, GOAL, DIRECTION, or PATH). The paper illustrates six types of argument structures of movement verbs, which include transitive verbs as well as intransitive ones. We assume that the aspectual meaning of the verb is determined by the event structure, particularly the HEAD-feature of the event (Pustejovsky 1995). Assuming eight different simplex/complex event structures, the paper illustrates seven argument alternation patterns of motion verbs, and accounts for their polysemous nature in terms of underspecification of HEAD-value

Event Structure and Aspectual Character of Korean Predicates

This paper, extending the previous formal theories of lexical semantics, has proposed a semantic typology of predicates in Korean. The paper classified the predicates in terms of event structure and argument structure, which are represented in a formal semantic structure. It is claimed that the relation between event structure and argument structure plays a crucial role in argument realization at syntactic level. Diverse classes of argument alternation have been analysed in terms of event structure. The paper identifies more fine-grained aspectual characters of predicates, and represents them in their event structure. The paper shows that complex events may assign Head to both subevents and further it claims that there are at least seven ways to interpret Headedness of complex events. Aspectual meanings are identified in six constructions including durative/frame adverbials, aspectual adverbs, morphological passives, and progressive/durative constructions in Korean. The proposal based on event structure is ready to be applied to various argument alternation classes in natural lanugages as welll as Korean. This paper reveals that there should be a natural principle mapping lexical syntax to semantics,and vice versa. Therefore, more interesting mapping principles governing the interface will be discovered in between syntax and semantics of lexical predicates