From the morality of living to the morality of sying: hunger strikes in Turkish prisons

Political hunger strikes have been part of the debates on human rights in many countries around the world. This paper explores the preconditions for and motives behind hunger strikes in Turkey by conceiving the hunger strikers as a part of citizenship politics through which strikers not only express their views against certain common issues, but also declare total opposition to an unjust condition within their political community. The paper focuses on the question of why some such “citizens” choose to participate in hunger strikes, which appears as an individual commitment to achieve a certain common objective. In doing so, the meaning of the experiences of hunger strikers and their universal right to live are elaborated in relation to their political and moral views. Hunger strikes are suggested to be seen as voluntary fasting, undertaken as a means of civil disobedience against an injustice within the context of citizenship. As examples of non-violent political acts, hunger strikes are not only part of citizenship politics but also expressions of commitment to achieving one’s goals through non-aggressive means for the common good of all citizens. Moreover, they can also be considered examples of martyrdom/heroism because hunger strikers altruistically risk their life for a public cause. As a particular altruistic act, hunger strikes can also be viewed as an effective form of communication directed toward fellow citizens. Moreover, they are expressions of self-determination for having control over and for one’s own life conditions. Finally, hunger strikes can be conceptualized as a struggle for transforming the configuration of structures and practices of citizenship about which one is passionately concerned. In this context, hunger strikes seem to be struggles for recognition in a relationship between two subjects, in which one subordinates the other

Citizen Alevi in Turkey: beyond confirmation and denial

Critics of the current national citizenship models argue that, although it rests on claims to be inclusionary and universal, it can never eliminate exclusionary and particularistic practices when challenged by those identities excluded from the historical trajectory of "nation building." Turkish citizenship has been a form of anomalous amalgamation since its conception. On the one hand, the state insisted on the pre-emptive exclusion of religion and various communal cultural identities from politics, while, on other hand, it promoted a particular religious identity primarily as a means of promoting cultural and social solidarity among its citizens. Contemporary Alevi movements, representing the interests of a large minority in Turkey, provide a new source of energy for the revision of concepts of citizenship. Alevis have suffered from prejudice, and their culture has been arrested and excluded from the nation building process. They were not able to integrate into the form of national identity based on the "secular" principles that the republican state has provided as a means of promoting solidarity among citizens. What Alevis seek is a revised citizenship model in terms of a system of rights assuring the condition of neutrality among culturally diverse individuals

Voices of adolescent incest victims: a qualitative study on feelings about trauma and expectations of recovery

Background: Incest, is a serious social problem facing society and children/adolescents themselves. The purpose of this study is to explore the ways adolescents talk about and give meaning to their experiences of incest concerning cultural, ethnic factors relevant to southeastern of Turkey. Method: We focused on in-depth interviews of five incest victims (14-16 years girls, from low socioeconomic status in southeastern of Turkey). Results: Four key themes were constructed from the qualitative analysis: 1. Unable to understand/Delayed meaning-making: Adolescents provided definitive information about the first abuse memory but they were also unable to understand what they had experienced so they delayed meaning making. 2. Dysfunctional coping style with the incest: Adolescents told that they threatened the perpetrators in various phases of incest. 3. Avoidance of eye contact by the perpetrator: We recognized that perpetrators avoided social contact with the victim. This theme evokes dehumanizing of women during incest. 4. The urge to destroy happy memories: This theme presents data on the adolescents' expectations about recovery. Conclusion: According to the themes, two fundamental therapeutic precepts could guide the treatment process for adolescent girl incest survivors: 1. Exploration of the delayed meaning making: Therapist could address dysfunctional family functioning and explain that it is normal for a child to be delayed in meaning making. 2. Recovery of the adolescent's lost self after semantic dehumanization in abuses: Therapist should help her to dispute irrational beliefs about worthlessness and to gain control of her body

The battle of gamestop

What the battle of GameStop has brought into light is that democracy in financial markets is just a myth: whoever controls the valves, controls the flow. The market-making and brokerage markets in the United States are heavily oligopolistic markets in which market-makers and brokers extract huge rents from the retail traders. Although the retail traders involved in the battle appear unaware of what they did, they brought these markets to a near collapse, which the oligopolists managed to stop. Theirs is neither a revolution nor Occupy Wall Street, but a novel form of collective action expected to continue

Masterless engineers of Turkey: an institutional evolution corroborating Veblen's theory of engineers

In this paper, using Veblen’s (2012/1919) cumulative causation methodology, I attempt to provide a theoretical answer for the origin, growth, persistence and variation of the anti-business engineering outlook in Turkey. My objective is to trace the trail of centuries old habits of thought in the present ideas and actions of the revolutionary-democrat engineers of the UCTEA. This inquiry may make a contribution not only to the Turkish studies beyond the limits of its subject matter but also to the growing importance of Veblen as a radical institutional social theorist. A better understanding of the peculiarity of the engineering point of view and its resultant identity in Turkey may help one to see why Veblen’s claim regarding the potentially contradictory relationship between engineers and businessmen may become an actuality under certain institutional environments, and still why he did not expect the American engineers to rise up against their businessmen