Youth Activism and Public Space in Egypt

Examines youth activists' use of virtual and physical public spaces before, during, and after the January 25 Revolution. Profiles three organizations and analyzes the power and limitations of social media to spur civic action, as well as the role of art

Transnational NGOs between Popular Uprising and Authoritarian Regime: Developments in Egypt

Scholars differentiate the concepts of internationalism and transnationalism. While the first refers to the connectivity between macro institutions such as states, multinational corporations and other institutionalized actors within and beyond national boundaries, the second term emphasizes public movements, organizations and communities engaged in de-territorialized socio‐cultural, political and economic activities. This paper focuses on the role of transnational NGOs (TNGOs) in recent developments in Egypt. The current scholarly debate on the so‐called “Arab spring” considers the mobilization of disempowered youth, intense media-tech application and sustained international pressure as crucial to ousting authoritarian regimes in North Africa. Delineating the role of TNGOs complements such findings. TNGO activities and responses to the Egyptian uprising in 2011 and to the ensuing coup in 2013 reveal the capability of such organizations to balance civic transformational oriented mobilizations with state centred institutional considerations. Furthermore though TNGOs cannot directly change the current political stalemate in Egypt, the power elite might misinterpret the changing and sometimes contradictory positions of these organizations and might eventually encourage the return to authoritarianism. After introductory remarks on the background of the uprising, the paper proceeds to theoretical discussion of transnational engagement followed by recent historical and current empirical developments

Egyptian Revolution: The Music of Reform

Overview: On January 31, 2013 National Public Radio (NPR) reporter Leila Fadel broadcasted an interview with Omar Kamal, devout Salafi turned beat boxer in Cairo, Egypt. Kamal was a drug addict and a drummer who decided he wanted more out of his life and searched for fulfillment in Salafi Islam. The Salafist sect is a very traditional, strict and conservative form of Islam which, among other things, discourages its followers from playing music – especially the kind of angst-filled rock that Kamal was playing. In an attempt to find direction, Kamal gave up his music and followed the religion to the letter, obeying the rules the leaders set in place for him and dedicating himself to this new lifestyle. The new life required him to accept new values and limits on his behavior and character; more specifically it required a musician to stop playing music and give up a passion. Shortly after, protests broke out in Egypt calling for the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak. His regime had never supported the Salafist religion, and under his rule Salafi Muslims endured persecution and turmoil. Despite the previous maltreatment, the Salafist leaders advised their followers not to participate in the protest demonstrations and to avoid the conflict. Omar Kamal was surprised to see the leaders take such a hypocritical stance after all the harassment they had borne in the past years. He decided to leave his religious path to join the revolution and fight against Mubarak. Once he joined the protests, he went back to his music finding that not only could he express his anger against the government, but he could also express his confusions and frustrations about his religious experience and his identity crisis. His return to a musician’s lifestyle served as an outlet that gave Kamal that sense of fulfillment that he searched for in religion. While still a devout Muslim, Kamal claims that the Salafis must adapt to the new Egyptian culture and support the changes it is undergoing if the religion wants support and followers. He states in the NPR interview, “the people aren’t stupid and they won’t believe you, just because you claim that God is on your side.” This clash between modernization and traditionalism is part of the reason why music is thriving so well in revolutionary Egypt. Musicians and fans draw from a plethora of musical genres and with this spectrum of musical styles, there is a song that speaks to everyone

Giving in Transition and Transitions in Giving: Philanthropy in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia 2011-2013

This publication explores how shifts in the sociopolitical environment in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia manifested themselves in the philanthropic realm during an uncertain mid-point in the transitions. To what extent have both institutional and informal philanthropy evolved to keep up with the pace of escalating needs and expectations of the people? As those shifts continue in all three countries, with variations to be explored in each country chapter, the report encourages actors in the sector to take bolder steps from diagnostics to action

NO LAUGHING MATTER: POLITICAL HUMOR AND MEDIA IN EGYPT’S JANUARY 25TH REVOLUTION

The January 25th Revolution in Egypt began in 2011 when protestors took to the streets in Cairo and other Egyptian cities demanding that President Hosni Mubarak resign. They were armed with a savvy tool: humor. This study is a historical and theoretical approach to understanding political humor’s position as a space for politically subversive conversation in Egypt in the decade leading up to the January 25th Revolution, as well as during the revolution itself. Humor, media, and social movement theories are mobilized within this thesis to explain humor’s unique position within Egyptian society and its function within subversive, informal political networks called counterpublics. This thesis demonstrates the ways in which political humor acted as a vehicle through which people expressed more direct criticisms of Mubarak’s regime in a manner that included more people into the insurgent conversations taking place among revolutionary and non-revolutionary Egyptians between 2000 and 2011

Transnational Politics, Women & the Egyptian Revolution: Examples from Paris

The revolutionary process in Egypt since 2011 has not only mobilized masses in Egypt, but has also led to a massive politicization and polarization of Egyptian communities abroad. Women from different generations became active in the protests claiming their agency to participate in changing their country. Cyberactivism became a particularly important vehicle for women to participate politically in the revolutionary process. This paper looks at transnational political networks in Paris working to influence politics in Egypt in the (post)-revolutionary phase between 2011 and 2013 with a special focus on women. An analysis of 30 informative-narrative interviews and several popular Facebook pages of diaspora networks reveals how women participated alongside men in transnational mobilizations in Paris, and how they experienced and lived these moments as they took part in their struggle. Several factors shape the political participation of women in this diasporic context, the gendered character of Egyptian migration to France itself, an inner fragmentation and politicization among women and finally, women’s broader understanding of politics blurring the traditional boundary of public and private. Contrary to assimilation theory, most participating women are not marginalized or poorly educated immigrants, but are on the contrary well educated and socially well connected

The uses of smart phones and their sociopolitical implications on Egyptian society

Socio-political awareness of a nation is the cornerstone for building well informed citizens that are the heart of any societal development and progress. This study examined the various uses of smart phones mobiles and their sociopolitical implications on the Egyptian Society from the January 25th revolution to the present. The research explores the impact of the mobile smart phones’ usage on changing the reality of the Egyptian society. The primary research linked the uses and gratification theory and the Apparategeist theory to the Egyptians’ civic engagement attitudes and political participation in the real world. Findings of the study show that accessing and acquiring knowledge through mobile smart phones is the main use of smart phones mobiles by Egyptian media experts and youths during the January 25th revolution, followed by June 30th and up-to-date. Based on the results of this study, smart phones’ usage for “surveillance” and being a source of information and dissemination of news is the main pillar for creating a well-informed Egyptian citizen who can transform the social and political face of the Egyptian society. The testimonies also show that the most used news websites by respondents are Youm 7, CNN, BBC and AL Arabyia. By being civically and politically engaged through smart phones’ usage, Egyptians are becoming active key players in sustaining and nourishing the democratic process. The findings also illustrated other uses of smart phones, however not as significant as being a source of accessing and acquiring news. The study uses a quantitative survey methodology in exploring the uses of smart phones and their sociopolitical implications before and after the revolution. It also observes the relationship between the usage and being civically and politically engaged in real life behaviors and or attitudes. Two primary surveys were conducted among two different samples. The first was a purposive sample of Egyptian elite media experts ( 50 participants) whom are civically engaged and actively involved in the Egyptian revolution phase and the second was a stratified sample of elite university students ( 200 participants). The research employed the two questionnaires to examine the relationship between smart phones’ usage and civic engagement attitudes of Egyptians in real life. The study proceeded with conducting a comparison between Egyptian media experts’ perspective of smart phones’ usage and the revolution and that of the Egyptian youth

Social media: a new virtual civil society in Egypt?

A thesis submitted to the University of Bedfordshire in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of PhilosophyThis project seeks to trace the power of social media in serving as a virtual civil society in the Arab world, focusing on Egypt as a case study. This study aims to explore the role of social media in mobilising Egyptian activists across generations, and particularly in reaching out to people under the age of 35 who constitute around 50 per cent of the population. Studies preceding the 2011 uprising reported that young Egyptians were politically apathetic and were perceived as incapable of bringing about genuine political changes. Drawing on a range of methods and data collected from focus groups of young people under the age of 35, interviews with activists (across generations and gender), and via a descriptive web feature analysis, it is argued that online action has not been translated into offline activism. The role of trust in forming online networks is demonstrated, and how strong ties can play a pivotal role in spreading messages via social media sites. Activists relied on social media as a medium of visibility; for those who were not active in the political sphere, social media have been instrumental in raising their awareness about diverse political movements and educating them about the political process, after decades of political apathy under Mubarak’s regime. The most important benefit of using social media is the increased political knowledge and information available regarding the political situation in Egypt, despite many young people still confining their political activities to passive acts of ‘share’, ‘like’ or ‘post’ on social media. Activists have used social media to ensure visibility of their actions, not only nationally, but also regionally and internationally. There remains a strong need for offline organization and activism by using social media as a communication avenue, not necessarily as a catalyst for changing the political process. A number of problems associated with the use of such media in political deliberations concerning Egypt are highlighted, notwithstanding the positive effects of social media on the political socialisation of young Egyptians. One such problem is the lack of sustainability in online campaigns which should ideally convert into offline collective action. It can be argued that a sustainable civil society and a truly diverse public sphere rests on more sustainable, offline action, which can indeed bring about significant changes in the Egyptian political sphere